UC-NRLF 


R/V 


1 866. 


Ccl.  GEORGE  T.  ROBERTS. 


A  NARRATIVE 

OF    THE 

|  A  |  t      ^ 

Jwwitei  4  fyt  ^pttw  tmd  ^nli$t*d  jcfftf 

OF    THE 

ITH  REGIMENT  OF  VERMONT  VOLUNTEERS 

(VETERANS), 
FROM    1862   TO   1866. 


BY 

WM,      C,      HDLBRDDK, 
\  \ 

Late   Colonel   yth   Vt.  Veteran  Vols. 


NEW    YORK : 
American   Bank    Note   Company,    Commercial   Department,    53   Broadway. 

1882. 


£533 
.5 

7 


TO   THE  SURVIVING   OFFICERS 

AND   ENLISTED   MEN   OF  THE  SEVENTH-  REGIMENT 

OF    VERMONT    VOLUNTEERS    (VETERANS)    THIS    VOLUME    IS 

DEDICATED,   WITH  A  COMRADE'S  KINDLY 

REMEMBRANCE. 


Copyrighted  by  WM.  C    HOLBBOOI:,  1833. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I  HE  history  of  the  Seventh  Vermont  Regiment  during 
the  late  war  has  never  been  written,  and  to  this  day  the 
services  which  that  gallant  regiment  rendered,  and  the  se 
vere  experiences  through  which  it  passed,  are  not,  I  am 
persuaded,  fully  understood  or  appreciated  by  those  not  con 
nected  with  it. 

It  was,  unfortunately,  the  fate  of  the  regiment,  during  its 
entire  service,  to  operate  in  fields  far  distant  from  Vermont, 
and,  except  for  a  brief  period,  shortly  after  its  departure 
from  the  State,  to  be  isolated  from  all  other  Vermont  regi 
ments,  and  for  the  most  part  from  all  other  Eastern  troops. 
Its  history,  therefore,  is  separate  and  distinct.  Most,  if  not 
all,  of  the  other  Vermont  regiments,  at  one  time  or  another, 
were  brigaded  or  attached  to  the  same  armies,  and  have,  to 
a  large  extent,  a  common  history.  The  duties  performed  by 
the  Seventh  from  the  early  part  of  1863  to  the  fall  of  1864 
were  of  such  a  nature  that  the  more  prominent  features  of 
its  career  are  made  up  entirely  of  the  individual  achievements 
of  its  officers  or  detached  portions  of  the  regiment.  After 
the  return  of  the  Seventh  to  New  Orleans  in  the  Autumn  of 
1864,  it  served  continuously  as  a  regiment  until  it  was  dis 
banded  in  April,  1866. 

At  the  request  of  Hon.  G.  G.  Benedict,  State  Military 
Historian,  and  at  the  solicitation  of  several  members  of  the 
regiment,  I  have  been  induced  to  prepare  the  following  nar 
rative,  in  the  hope  that  I  may  thereby  set  forth  more  clearly 


M145778 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

than  has  heretofore  been  done  some  of  the  important  events 
which  occurred  in  its  long  term  of  service,  and  at  the  same 
time  contribute  my  testimony  to  the  conspicuous  fortitude 
and  patriotism  of  the  brave  officers  and  men  who  composed 
the  Seventh. 

I  have  been  very  much  aided  in  this  undertaking  by  ma 
terial  and  data  furnished  me  by  Colonels  Peck  and  Porter, 
Surgeon  Blanchard,  Captains  Morse,  Kilburn,  Clark,  Stowell, 
Woodman,  Moseley  and  Stearns,  and  Lieutenants  Gates  and 
Murdick,  and  Messrs.  Royce,  Brooks  and  Cook,  all  of  the 
Seventh,  and  by  a  sketch  of  the  late  Capt.  Young,  kindly 
obtained  and  sent  me  by  Col.  Samuel  E.  Pingree,  formerly  of 
the  3d  Vermont  Regiment. 

I  have  also  derived  valuable  information  from  letters  writ 
ten  from  the  regiment  cotemporaneously  with  the  events 
which  they  chronicle,  and  published  in  the  Rutland  Herald. 
Among  these  are  important  communications  from  Lieut. -Col. 
Fullam,  Captains  Dutton,  Hitchcock  and  others.  So  much  of 
my  statement  as  relates  to  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  and 
the  atrocious  treatment  which  the  regiment  received  at  the 
hands  of  Gen.  Butler,  is  made  up  from  the  official  reports  of 
the  commanding  officers  of  the  respective  regiments  and 
batteries  that  were  stationed  at  that  place  at  the  time  of  the 
action,  and  from  the  proceedings  of  the  Court  of  Inquiry, 
and  from  my  own  recollections  of  personal  interviews  with 
Gen.  Butler,  and  from  public  proceedings  at  the  time,  and 
from  other  sources.  I  have  also  availed  myself  of  the  ex 
cellent  annual  reports  of  the  late  Gen.  Peter  T.  Washburn, 
the  lamented  and  efficient  Adjutant  and  Inspector-General 
of  the  State  from  which  I  have  obtained  statistics  that  have 
greatly  aided  me.  The  Campaign  of  Mobile,  by  Brevet 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

Major-Gen.   C.  C.   Andrews,   I  have  also  found  of  service, 
and  have  quoted  extensively  therefrom. 

I  have  prepared  this  work  in  the  midst  of  a  busy  life, 
and  regret  that  my  engagements  have  prevented  my  giving 
that  time  to  it  which  its  importance  demands.  I  have 
long  wished  that  a  connected  and  continuous  history  of 
the  regiment  might  be  written,  and  I  very  much  hoped 
that  some  more  competent  person  would  undertake  its  com 
pilation.  But  as  no  one  has  come  forward  for  that  pur 
pose,  I  offer  the  following  narrative,  well  knowing  that  it 
does  but  faint  justice  to  the  many  noble  acts  and  achieve 
ments  of  the  gallant  officers  and  enlisted  men  of  that  veteran 
regiment. 

I  trust,  however,  that  from  this  statement  the  Military  his 
torian  of  the  State  will  derive  information  that  will  enable 
him  to  record  the  services  and  experiences  of  the  Seventh 
in  an  appropriate  manner,  conscious  as  I  am  that  its  career 
for  bravery  and  faithful  performance  of  duty  is  second  to 
none  of  the  regiments  sent  forth  by  Vermont  during  the 
War  of  the  Rebellion. 

WM.  C.  HOLBROOK. 

New  York,  August  16th,  1882. 


"^ Z* * >~< . •+- 


ERRATA. 


Page    21,  line    4,  furthest  instead  of  "fartherest." 
"       21,     "     27,  />w;/  instead  of  "in." 
'•       48,     "     22,  when  instead  of  "where." 

49,  lines  13  to  20  should  not  be  in  quotation. 
"       97,  line  26,  no  comma  after  Major. 
'     107,     "     25,  page  47  instead  of  page  7. 
"     123,     "       4,   was  scarcely  instead  of  "  scarcely  was. 
"     144,     "       4,   way  instead  of  "ways." 
'•     153,     "     18,  April  instead  of  "March." 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE. 

Departure  from  the  State. — Voyage  to  Ship  Island. — Fort  Pike. — 
New  Orleans. — Carrolton. — Death  of  Capt.  Ruggles. — Baton 
Rouge,  ....  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  ...  I 


CHAPTER   II. 

Vicksburg  Campaign. — Grand  Gulf. — Experience  of  Col.  Roberts 
and  Lieut.  Clark  in  ascending  the  River. — Butler's  Ditch. — 
Exposure  and  Sickness  of  the  Regiment. — Death  of  Capt. 
Brooks. — Return  to  Baton  Rouge,  .  .  .  .  •  .  .16 


CHAPTER  III. 

Condition  of  the  Regiment. — Death  of  Lieut.  Cull. — Battle  of 
Baton  Rouge. — Death  of  Col.  Roberts. — Return  to  Carrolton. — 
Changes  and  Promotions,  .  .  ,  .  .  .  37 


CHAPTER   IV. 
Gen.  Butler  and  the  Seventh, 60 

CHAPTER   V. 

Camp  Williams. — Increased  Mortality  in  the  Regiment. — Camp 
Kearny. — New  Orleans. — Departure  for  Florida. — Experience 
on  Steamer  Nassau. — Arrival  at  Pensacola. — Gen.  Neal  Dow. 
— Billy  Wilson's  Zouaves. — Advantages  of  Pensacola  as  a  Sani 
tary  Post. — Curious  Defences .,  .112 


2  DEPARTURE  FROM  RUTLAND. 

assigned  to  General  Butler's  Division,  and  so  originally  fell 
under  the  command  of  that  vindictive  and  unjust  officer.* 

On  the  10th  of  March  the  regiment  left  Rutland  for  New 
York  City,  where  the  right  wing,  under  Colonel  Roberts, 
embarked  on  the  ship  "  Premier,"  and  the  left  wing,  under 
Lieut.-Col.  Fullam,  on  the  ship  "  Tammerlane,"  with  sealed 
orders  to  proceed  to  sea.  We  were  detained  at  Sandy  Hook 

*  By  an  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  Vermont,  approved  November  i2th,  1861,  the 
Governor  was  authorized  to  recruit  and  organize  a  regiment  of  infantry  to  serve  for 
three  years  from  June  ist,  1861,  to  be  attached  to  the  Division  which  the  Secretary  of 
War  had  authorized  Gen.  Butler  to  raise  in  the  New  England  States,  which  regiment 
was  to  be  armed  and  equipped  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States 

And  by  another  Act,  approved  November  i6th,  1861,  the  Governor  was  further 
authorized  to  recruit,  organize,  arm  and  equip  an  additional  regiment  of  infantry  to 
serve  for  the  State  "  in  the  army  of  the  United  States"  for  three  years  from  June  ist, 
1861. 

And  by  another  Act,  approved  November  2ist,  1861,  the  Governor  was  further 
authorized  to  raise  one  or  more  batteries  of  light  artillery,  to  be  attached  to  Gen. 
Butler's  Division,  which  batteries  were  also  to  be  armed  and  equipped  at  the  expense 
of  the  United  States. 

It  will  be  seen  that  under  these  Acts  it  was  not  contemplated  that  but  one  regiment 
of  infantry  should  be  furnished  Gen.  Butler.  About  this  time  he  visited  Montpelier 
and  personally  urged  that  the  regiment  authorized  to  be  raised  under  the  above  Act  of 
November  i6th  might  also  be  assigned  to  his  Division,  but  the  State  authorities  were 
not  disposed  to  comply  with  his  wishes,  prefering  that  the  regiment  should 
be  sent  to  join  the  other  Vermont  regiments  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  It 
is  said  that  Gen.  Butler  was  much  provoked  because  greater  deference  was  not  paid 
to  his  importunities.  It  seems  that  of  the  two  regiments  thus  authorized  to  be  raised, 
the  Eighth  was  first  selected  for  service  in  Gen.  Butler's  Division,  and  the  knapsacks 
and  equipage  of  that  regiment  were  originally  marked  with  the  initials  N.  E.  D.,  in 
dicating  that  it  belonged  to  the  New  England  Division.  This  was  not  the  case  with 
the  Seventh,  and  none  of  its  equipments  were  ever  so  marked.  How  it  happened  that 
the  Seventh  was  ordered  to  Gen.  Butler's  command  I  have  not  been  able  definitely  to 
ascertain,  but  it  is  quite  likely  after  his  failure  to  obtain  the  acquiescence  of  the  State 
authorities  to  the  regiment  being  attached  to  his  Division,  that  Gen.  Butler  applied  to 
and  interceded  with  the  War  Department  to  bring  about  the  result  he  desired,  and 
meeting  with  better  success  thus  obtained  orders  directing  the  Seventh  to  report  to 
him  at  Ship  Island.  However  the  matter  was  brought  about,  it  was  most  un 
fortunate  for  the  regiment  that  it  was  sent  to  Gen.  Butler,  for  almost  immediately 
on  its  arrival  at  Ship  Island  he  began  quarreling  with  some  of  the  officers,  and  kept 
up  hostilities  until  his  anger  culminated  in  the  gross  and  unwarranted  attack  which 
he  subsequently  made  upon  the  honor  of  the  regiment  for  the  part  it  took  m  the 
battle  of  Baton  Rouge.  Many  of  the  officers  and  men  to  this  day  entertain  the 
belief  that  in  this  monstrous  effort  to  hvmiliate  and  degrade  the  regiment  and  State 
Gen.  Butler  was  actuated  to  a  considerable  degree  by  the  ill-feeling  which  he  cherished 
for  the  State  authorities  in  refusing  to  give  their  consent  that  the  Seventh  should 
attached  to  his  Division,  on  the  occasion  of  his  visit  to  Montpelier.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  had  the  regiment  been  under  the  command  of  a  just  and  fair- 
minded  officer,  the  assault  made  upon  its  valor  and  soldierly  conduct  would  never 
have  occurred. 


VOYAGE   TO    SHIP   ISLAND.  3 

for  several  days  waiting  for  favorable  weather  to  continue 
our  voyage  to  Ship  Island,  which,  about  this  time,  we  ascer 
tained  was  our  destination. 

On  leaving  our  anchorage,  the  two  ships  parted  com 
pany  and  neither  saw  anything  of  the  other  until  we  reached 
Ship  Island.  The  "  Premier  "  and  "  Tammerlane  "  were  both 
old-fashioned  sailing  ships  built  for  the  Merchant  service,  and 
hence  were  ill-adapted  and  poorly  arranged  to  properly  ac 
commodate  the  large  number  of  men  with  which  each  was 
crowded. 

The  voyage  was  long  and  uncomfortable.  The  weather, 
at  first,  was  heavy  ancl  tempestuous,  particularly  "  off  Hat- 
teras,"  ancl  as  few,  if  any,  of  us  had  ever  before  been  upon 
the  ocean,  during  the  season  of  March"  gales,  we  suffered 
more  or  less  from  sea  sickness.  By  the  time  we  reached  the 
Florida  coast  however,  we  began  to  be  favored  with  pleasant 
weather  and  smooth  seas  which  continued  for  the  remainder 
of  the  trip,  and  the  voyage  thereafter  became  more  enjoy 
able. 

On  the  5th  of  April  the  "  Premier  "  reached  Ship  Island 
which,  when  first  sighted,  we  discovered  was  a  low  and 
narrow  strip  of  sand  of  uncommon  whiteness  and  brilliancy 
and  which  in  the  distance  resembled  the  snow  covered  fields 
we  had  left  behind  us.  Our  disappointment  as  we  neared 
this  desolate  island  was  very  great,  for  we  had  looked  for  a 
far  more  beautiful  and  attractive  country.  As  there  was  no 
alternative  left  us  however,  we  suppressed  our  wrath  at  being 
sent  to  so  bleak  a  spot  and  concluded  after  all,  that  anything 
that  could  be  called  terra  firma  was  preferable  to  life  on  a 


4  SHIP    ISLAND. 

troop  ship,  improvised  as  ours  had  been  from  a  weather 
beaten  and  not  over  savory  merchantman,  and  so  we  disem 
barked  and  pitched  our  tents  in  the  sand  of  Ship  Island,  con 
soling  ourselves  with  the  reflection  that  we  had  at  least 
escaped  the  enemy's  cruisers  and  the  perils  of  the  sea. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  the  "  Tammerlane  "  with  the  left 
wing  on  board  joined  us,  having  been  delayed  by  rough 
weather  and  adverse  winds.  An  incident  here  occurred 
which  illustrates  the  unfair  treatment  which  we  had  to  ex 
pect  from  the  commanding  General,  and  is  thus  referred  to 
by  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  in  a  letter  dated  September  23d,  and 
published  in  the  Rutland  Herald  on  the  26th  of  September, 
1862.  *  *  *  *  *  "  On  my  arrival  (with  left  wing) 
"  commenced  that  series  of  abuses  to  which  the  regiment  has 
"  been  subject  up  to  the  present  time.  Upon  reporting  my 
"  command  to  Col.  Roberts,  our  regimental  Quartermaster 
"  caused  the  tents  and  baggage  of  the  left  wing  to  be  disem- 
"  barked  with  the  men  when,  as  it  seemed,  Gen.  Butler's 
11  order  only  mentioned  the  landing  of  the  troops.  The 
"  Quartermaster  was  innocent  of  any  intentional  excess  of 
"  orders,  but  supposed  that  an  order  for  the  disembarkment 
11  of  troops  upon  a  desert  island  where  there  was  not  even 
"  the  shelter  of  a  friendly  tree  to  protect  them  from  the  fre- 
"  quent  storms  and  burning  sun  of  the  climate,  implied  the 
11  taking  with  them  of  such  articles  as  were  absolutely  nec- 
"  essary  to  make  them  comfortable.  Although  the  landing 
"  of  the  baggage  did  not  occupy  the  "  Saxon  "  (the  boat  used 
"  for  the  purpose)  much  longer  than  would  have  been  re- 
"  quired  for  landing  the  troops  alone,  Gen.  Butler  wanted 


SHIP    ISLAND.  5 

"  her  and  was  in  a  great  rage  at  the  delay,  and  declared 
11  somebody  should  lose  his  commission  for  it,  and  put  the 
"  Quartermaster  under  arrest  where  he  was  kept  for  some 
"  days.  *  *  *  The  conduct  of  the  Quartermaster 
"  saved  the  soldiers  from  much  suffering,  for  a  storm  of  great 
"  fury  arose  in  the  night  and  threatened  the  destruction  of 
"  our  camp  by  blowing  down  our  tents  and  deluging  us  with 
"  water.  It  was  impossible  for  us  to  bring  from  the  '  Tam- 
"  merlane  '  the  remainder  of  our  camp  equipage  for  several 
"  days,  and  but  for  the  tents  and  means  of  preparing  food 
"  much  distress  would  have  been  caused  among  the  men  so 
"  long  and  so  closely  confined  on  ship-board." 

The  Lieut,  Colonel  might  well  have  stated  the  facts  in  much 
stronger  language.  To  have  landed  five  hundred  men  on  this 
barren  island  at  that  season  of  the  year,  or  indeed  at  any  time, 
without  cooking  utensils  or  shelter  would  have  been  grossly 
cruel  and  inhuman,  and  the  action  of  the  Quartermaster  was 
entirely  justifiable  and  correct.  The  storm  above  alluded  to, 
or  some  other  unknown  cause,  apparently  softened  the  obdu 
rate  heart  of  the  Major-General  commanding,  and  in  due  time 
Capt.  Morse,  with  whom  the  whole  regiment  sympathized, 
was  released  from  arrest. 

Each  wing  lost  one  enlisted  man  by  death  during  the  voy 
age,  which  were  the  only  serious  casualties  that  took  place 
during  the  passage. 

While  on  Ship  Island  but  little  occurred  to  break  the 
monotony  of  our  life  which  was  entirely  of  a  routine  charac 
ter.  We  lived  almost  wholly  upon  salt  rations  seasoned, 
when  the  wind  was  high,  with  a  liberal  portion  of  sand  which 


6  FORT    PIKE. 

persistently  adhered  to  pots  and  kettles  and  intermixed  with 
food  in  a  way  not  at  all  to  our  liking,  and  although  it  was 
claimed  that  our  grit  was  thereby  increased,  we  should  have 
much  preferred  working  it  up  by  some  other  process.  Our 
time  was  devoted  mainly  to  drilling  and  perfecting  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  men  in  company  and  regimental  duties.  We 
were  not  able,  however,  to  accomplish  as  much  in  the  way  of 
executing  battalion  manoeuvres  as  we  desired,  owing  to  the 
loose  sand  which  not  only  made  the  footing  insecure,  but  ren 
dered  marching  as  difficult  and  fatiguing  as  plodding  through 
the  deep  snows  of  Vermont,  and  the  fear  of  increasing  the 
cases  of  hernia,  several  of  which  had  already  been  occasioned 
by  these  exercises,  prevented  our  doing  as  much  in  this  direc 
tion  as  we  otherwise  should.  Then  too,  early  in  May  the 
regiment  was  broken  up  in  consequence  of  an  order  directing 
me  to  proceed  with  a  portion  of  it  to  take  possession  of  Fort 
Pike. 

In  compliance  with  this  order,  Companies  B,  C,  and  about 
thirty  men  of  Company  D,  commanded  respectively  by  Cap 
tains  Cronan,  Porter  and  Lieut.  Thrall  were  detailed  for  that 
purpose  and  on  the  3d  of  May  we  embarked  on  the  gun  boats 
"  New  London  "  and  "  Calhoun  "  and  proceeded  to  that  fort 
which,  on  our  arrival,  we  found  had  just  been  deserted  and 
all  the  guns  spiked.  This  fort  is  situated  on  the  "  Eigolets  " 
and  commands  the  entrance  to  Lake  Ponchartrain  from  the 
direction  of  Mississippi  Sound,  and  was  considered  one  of  the 
important  defences  to  New  Orleans.  ^Ve  found  it  a  substan 
tial  and  regularly  bastioned  and  casemated  fort  surrounded 
by  a  deep  water  moat  and  capable,  had  it  been  properly  de- 


FORT  PIKE VOYAGE  TO  NEW  ORLEANS.         7 

fended,  of  resisting  any  attack  which  we,  with  our  small 
force,  could  have  made.  We  at  once  set  about  putting  the 
fort  in  order,  and  in  less  than  forty-eight  hours  we  had  re 
moved  the  spikes  from  the  guns  and  were  ready  to  meet  any 
attack  that  might  be  made.  But  the  enemy  saw  fit  not  to 
molest  us  and  the  only  blood  spilt  was  in  repelling  the  as 
saults  of  an  exceedingly  fierce  and  athletic  race  of  gallinip- 
pers  whose  domain  it  seems  we  had  invaded.* 

On  the  1st  of  May,  New  Orleans  was  occupied  by  our 
forces  and  shortly  afterwards  that  portion  of  the  regiment 
left  on  Ship  Island  was  ordered  there,  and  accordingly  em 
barked  on  the  steamer  "  Whitman  "  a  Mississippi  river  boat 
of  the  "  high  pressure  "  pattern.  Before  they  had  proceeded 
far  it  was  discovered  that  the  engineer  had  matured  plans  to 
blow  up  the  vessel.  The  affair  is  thus  described  by  one  of 
the  men  on  board  in  a  letter  to  the  Rutland  Herald.  *  *  * 


*  Shortly  after  our  arrival  at  Fort  Pike  I  was  aroused  early  one  morning  by 
the  announcement  that  a  flag  of  truce  was  flying  just  over  the  rushes  on  the 
further  side  of  the  "  Rigolets."  Upon  investigation  it  was  found  that  two  negroes 
desired  to  come  within  our  lines.  I  ascertained  by  interrogating  them  that  they  had 
left  their  masters  for  cruel  and  inhuman  treatment,  and  one  of  them,  Emund  Randolph^ 
showed  the  stripes  and  cuts  upon  his  back,  from  which  it  was  patent  tfiat  ne  had  been 
most  brutally  flogged.  His  pitable  appearance  and  sad  story  strongly  appealed  to  my 
sympathy  and  I  resolved  to  give  protection  to  the  fugitives.  Just  before  this  an  order 
had  been  issued  by  the  War  Department  authorizing  the  commanders  of  Posts  in  their 
discretion  to  receive  escaping  negroes  within  their  lines  and  when  any  were  so 
received  they  were  under  no  circumstances  to  be  surrendered  to  their  former  masters. 
A  few  days  later  the  masters  of  Edmund  and  his  comrade  made  their  appearance  and 
arrogantly  demanded  a  return  of  their  slaves.  Great  was  their  disappointment  and 
dismay  on  being  informed  that  their  wishes  and  demands  would  not  be  complied  with, 
and  the  disgust  depicted  upon  their  countenances  when  they  found  they  must  depart 
without  these,  their  "human  chattels,"  led  us  to  believe  that  their  love  for  "Abe 
Lincoln  and  his  Yankee  myrmidons"  was  not  thereby  increased.  This  incident  led 
to  quite  a  long  correspondence  between  Gen.  Claibourn,  ex-member  of  Congress  from 
Mississippi,  and  myself,  wherein  he  endeavored  to  convince  me  that  the  U  S.  Govern 
ment  had  no  right  to  receive  and  retain  fugitive  slaves  within  its  military  lines.  That 
such  an  interference  with  the  "  divine  institution  of  slavery"  could  not  be  justified  by 
the  laws  of  either  God  or  man.  Finding  that  his  arguments  were  of  no  avail,  he  finally 
subsided.  I  gave  Edmund  employment  as  one  of  my  personal  attendants  and  he 
proved  a  faithful  and  excellent  servant.  He  now  resides  at  Vernon,  Vermont,  and  is 
much  respected  by  all  in  the  neighborhood. 


ti 


ft 


HIGH    PRESSURE    BOATS. 

It  was  midnight  when  we  left  Ship  Island.  "We  sailed 
three  hours  at  the  rate  of  ten  miles  per  hour  when  it  was 
ascertained  that  something  was  wrong  with  the  engine, 
and  upon  an  investigation  of  the  matter  it  was  found  that 
we  were  being  escorted  by  a  rebel  engineer  with  more  than 
double  the  amount  of  steam  allowed,  and  who  had  let 
nearly  all  the  water  out  of  the  boiler,  and  having  launched 
a  small  boat  for  his  own  escape,  was  just  ready  to  let  in  a 
stream  of  cold  water.  It  was  discovered  by  the  assistant 
engineer  just  in  time  to  communicate  the  fact  to  Col.  Rob 
erts  who  caused  the  immediate  arrest  of  the  engineer. 
Had  this  villainous  plot  succeeded,  every  commissioned 
"  officer  would  have  been  blown  into  the  heavens  as  they 
"  were  just  over  the  boiler.  I  was  about  ten  feet  from  one 
"  end  of  the  boiler  asleep.  Col.  Pvoberts  ordered  the  boat 
"  back  to  Ship  Island  where  the  rebel  engineer  was  placed 
"  in  the  fort  for  safe  keeping  and  a  trusty  one  secured  when 
"  we  again  started." 

The  "  Whitman  "  was  a  fated  craft  for  a  few  months  later 
she  took  fire  through  the  carelessness  of  her  officers  and  was 
sunk  in  the  Mississippi  river  and  a  large  number  of  sick  and 
wounded  soldiers  who  were  on  board  lost  their  lives  in  con 
sequence. 

We  subsequently  had  a  good  deal  of  experience  upon  ves 
sels  of  this  description.  As  a  rule  they  were  manned  with 
inadequate  crews,  and  inefficient  and  often  times  untrustworthy 
officers.  At  best  they  were  dangerous  to  travel  upon,  and  it 
is  a  wonder,  with  the  engineers  we  had,  that  we  were  not 
blown  up,  as  we  came  so  near  being  several  times.  The  boilers 


DEATH  OF  CAPT.  RUGGLES CARROLTON — GENL.  PHELPS.  9 

were  so  exposed  as  to  furnish  a  conspicuous  target  for  the 
enemy's  guns  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  we  were  obliged 
to  stand  helplessly  by  under  a  heavy  artillery  fire,  expecting 
every  moment  to  be  sent  skyward  by  the  explosion  of  the 
boilers  from  some  well  directed  shot.  On  the  departure  of 
the  regiment  from  Ship  Island  those  of  the  sick  who  were 
unable  to  accompany  it  were  left  there,  and  among  others  left 
behind  was  Capt.  Charles  C.  R.uggles  of  Company  I.  He 
was  subsequently  sent  to  the  hospital  at  Carrolton,  and  as 
soon  as  he  was  able  to  do  so  resumed  command  of  the  conva 
lescent  soldiers  in  camp.  But  from  over  zeal  and  actuated 
by  a  desire  to  do  even  more  than  his  lull  share  of  duty,  he 
unfortunately  received  a  sun  stroke  from  the  effects  of  which, 
in  his  then  weakened  condition,  he  died  on  the  24th  clay  of 
July,  1862.  His  untimely  death  was  much  deplored  in  the 
regiment.  He  was  a  favorite  officer  and  much  esteemed  by 
all  who  knew  him.* 

On  the  arrival  of  the  regiment  at  New  Orleans,  Col.  Rob 
erts  was  directed  to  report,  with  his  command,  to  Brig. -Gen. 
J.  W.  Phelps  at  Carrolton  some  eight  miles  from  the  city, 
which  point  was  reached  about  the  16th  of  May.  It  was 
exceedingly  gratifying  to  the  officers  and  men  to  be  placed 
under  Gen.  Phelps'  command  for  whom  we  all  entertained 
the  greatest  respect  and  in  whose  military  skill  we  reposed 
the  utmost  confidence.  Many  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
Seventh  belonged  to,  and  accompanied  the  First  Vermont 


*His  remains  were  sent  home,  and  were  buried  at  Poultney,  with  impressive  civic 
and  masonic  ceremonies,  participated  in  by  his  own  lodge  and  several  others  from  the 
adjoining  towns. 


10  GENERAL    PHELPS. 

Eegiment  during  its  three  months'  term  of  service  at  the  out 
break  of  the  Rebellion.  Gen.  Phelps,  who  was  then  Colonel 
of  the  First,  was  universally  respected  and  beloved  by  the 
officers  and  men  of  his  regiment.  Being  a  graduate  of  the 
Military  Academy  at  West  Point,  and  having  for  many  pre 
vious  years  served  in  the  regular  army  with  credit  and  dis 
tinction,  and  possessing  great  personal  dignity  of  manner  and 
courage,  allied  with  the  most  unswerving  honesty  and  recti 
tude  of  purpose,  it  was  not  strange  that  he  won  the  confidence 
and  esteem  of  his  command.  Probably  no  single  regiment 
contained  so  many  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  First  Regi 
ment  as  did  the  Seventh.  Indeed  it  may  almost  be  said  that  it 
was  a  reorganization  of  the  First,  and  when  it  was  ascertained 
that  we  were  to  be  sent  to  Ship  Island  about  the  only  conso 
lation  we  had  was  the  thought  that  we  were  to  serve  with 
Gen.  Phelps,  under  whose  immediate  command  we  expected 
to  be  placed.  As  it  turned  out,  however,  our  friendship  for 
him  and  his  for  us,  was  of  no  avail.  Shortly  after  our  arrival 
at  Ship  Island,  a  controversy  sprang  up  between  Gen.  Butler 
and  Gen.  Phelps  relative  to  the  expediency  of  emancipating 
and  arming  the  negroes.  The  views  of  the  latter  on  these 
questions,  as  is  well  known,  were  radical  and  pronounced, 
and  as  some  thought  too  advanced,  but  in  a  short  time  his 
sentiments  were  substantially  adopted  by  the  government, 
and  Gen.  Butler  very  speedily  resorted  to  the  very  measures 
he  had  suggested  touching  the  formation  of  colored  regiments. 
This  dispute  led  to  a  voluminous  correspondence  which  occa 
sioned  such  bitterness  of  feeling  that  Gen.  Phelps  was  finally 
constrained  to  resign.  Many  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the 


GENERAL    PHELPS.  11 

Seventh  concurred  with  Gen.  Phelps  as  to  the  policy  of  or 
ganizing  and  arming  the  blacks,  and  generally  sided  with 
him  instead  of  with  Gen.  Butler,  whose  motives  they  dis 
trusted,  and  whose  conduct  of  the  controversy  seemed  to  be 
marked  with  his  characteristic  unfairness  and  acrimony,  and 
who  it  was  apparent  sought  to  so  shape  it  that  whatever 
credit  might  result  should  redound  to  his  glory  rather  than  to 
that  of  Gen.  Phelps.  The  government,  at  this  time,  for  some 
unknown  reason,  seemed  to  stand  in  mortal  dread  of  Gen. 
Butler  and  hence  favored  him  and  utterly  ignored  the  mili 
tary  suggestions  advanced  by  Gen.  Phelps — relative  to  the 
questions  at  issue.  Chagrined  at  such  a  slight  from  the  gov 
ernment  he  had  so  long  and  faithfully  served,  and  provoked 
by  the  taunts  and  injustice  of  the  political  demagogue  under 
whom  he  was  obliged  to  serve,  this  gallant  officer  was  at  last 
forced  to  resign.  No  doubt  this  step  on  Gen.  Phelps  part 
caused  Gen.  Butler  unmixed  pleasure.  But  whatever  may 
have  been  his  feelings  I  believe  the  loss  to  the  country  was 
very  great,  and  that  Gen.  Phelps'  services  should  have  been 
retained  even  had  it  involved  the  removal  of  a  dozen  such 
men  as  Butler.  Every  one  who  knows  Gen.  Phelps  must 
admit  his  eminent  purity  of  character  and  intelligence  ;  as  a 
soldier  he  was  as  simple  in  habit  and  as  unostentatious 
as  the  heroic  and  lamented  Sedgwick,  and  had  he  been 
placed  in  the  command  of  troops  in  the  field  I  believe  his 
career  would  have  been  characterized  by  great  good  to  the 
service  and  much  glory  to  himself.  At  no  time  and  in  no  place 
were  such  officers  more  needed  than  in  the  Department  ot 
the  Gulf  at  the  period  when  Gen.  Phelps,  with  seeming  indif- 


12  GENEEAL    PHELPS. 

ference  on  the  part  of  the  government,  was  suffered  to  sheathe 
his  sword  and  retire  to  the  walks  of  civil  life. 

At  the  height  of  this  contention  Gen.  Butler,  evidently  for 
his  own  glorification,  conceived  the  idea  of  issuing  his  in 
famous  order  relative  to  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh  at  Baton 
Eouge.  As  soon  as  I  became  aware  of  his  intention  I  called 
upon  Gen.  Phelps,  who,  as  might  have  been  expected,  warmly 
espoused  our  cause,  and  unhesitatingly  denounced  Butler's 
fell  design  as  utterly  unworthy  of  a  commander  inspired 
either  with  patriotism,  fairness  or  decency.  Whether  or  not 
Gen.  Phelps'  well  known  interest  in  the  regiment  operated 
to  incite  Gen.  Butler  to  persist  in  his  malicious  purpose  I 
know  not,  but  from  the  vindictiveness  of  his  character  it 
would  not  be  strange  if  it  was  an  element  which,  in  his  foot 
ings  of  a  grand  total  for  a  cause  of  offence,  was  not  entirely 
overlooked.  Gen.  Phelps'  views  as  to  Gen.  Butler's  conduct 
in  this  particular  are  well  illustrated  by  the  following  extracts 
from  a  letter  I  recently  received  from  him:  *  *  *  * 
"  The  general  (referring  to  Butler)  who  gave  a  fatal  impres- 
"  sion  of  trade  and  politics  to  his  command  instead  of  stimu- 
"  lating  their  patriotism  and  soldiership,  began  quarreling 
"  with  officers  of  the  Seventh  almost  before  it  had  fairly 
"  landed  at  Ship  Island,  and  he  seems  to  have  kept  it  up  to 
"  the  last,  pursuing  the  Seventh  through  the  strife  and  havoc 
"  of  battle,  where  he  was  not  personally  present,  and  under 
"  circumstances  of  difficulty,  crowned  with  success,  where  a 
"  generous  spirit  would  have  been  disposed  to  overlook  minor 
"  faults,  even  if  they  had  been  committed.  What  his 
"  motives  were  for  thus  pursuing  the  Seventh,  and  seeking 


GENERAL  PHELPS — CARROLTON.  13 

"  to  incite  variance  between  that  regiment  and  the  Twenty  - 
"  first  Indiana  regiment,  I  cannot  say,  but  it  is  evident  that 
"  if  he  (Butler)  were  to  run  for  the  Presidency  in  the  en- 
"  suing  election  of  1864,  the  large  electoral  vote  of  Indiana 
"  might  be  of  great  moment  to  him,  and  that  it  would  be  a 
"  good  bargain  to  win  it  even  at  the  expense  of  losing  the 
"  Whig  vote  of  Vermont.  But  whatever  the  objects  of  Gen. 
"  Butler  may  have  been,  they  were  little  in  accord  with  the 
"  occasion  that  called  for  military  service  in  the  Southwest 
"  in  1862,  which  was  the  most  important  theatre  of  action 
"  of  the  whole  war.  He  gave  a  very  unfortunate  direction 
"  to  the  service  there  which  the  government  subsequently 
"  endeavored  to  remedy  by  sending  to  that  quarter  general 
"  after  general  and  commission  after  commission  with  but 
"  little  effect.  I  can  hardly  think  that  it  was  necessary  for 
"  the  government  to  make  such  disastrous  concessions  to  the 
"  Democracy  as  to  employ  Gen.  Butler  in  the  Southwest  at 
"  that  period.  He  exacted  from  the  government  terms 
"  altogether  too  advantageous  to  himself  and  party,  as  an 
"  old  Democrat,  to  be  compatible  with  a  proper  final  settle- 
11  ment  of  the  war  issues  before  the  country.  I  doubt  if 
"  there  was  an  officer,  even  of  the  rebel  army,  who  has  occa- 
"  sioned  the  Republic  so  much  injury  as  he  has  done" 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  General  Phelps  was  not  as 
signed  to  the  command  of  the  troops  on  active  duty  in  the  field. 
Had  he  been  sent  to  the  front  I  believe  the  outcome  of  our 
subsequent  operations  on  the  river  would  have  been  far  more 
glorious,  and  I  am  confident  our  regiment  would  have  had  ac 
corded  to  it  the  commendation  and  praise  which  it  so  justly 


14     CARROLTON — DEPARTURE  FOR  BATON  ROUGE. 

earned,  and  which   its  faithful   and  heroic  services  so  richly 
merited. 

While  at  Carrolton,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  country,  it 
was  impossible  to  do  very  much  drilling.  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam 
in  his  letter  above  referred  to,  speaking  of  the  experience  of 
the  regiment  there  says.  *  *  *  *  "The  small  space 
"  of  ground  appropriated  to  the  troops  gave  us  no  oppor- 
"  tunity  for  drill  in  battalions,  which  we  never  had  while 
"  there.  Soon  after  our  arrival  the  rising  water  from  a 
"  crevasse  in  the  levee  made  it  necessary  for  us  to  spend  our 
"  time  in  trying  to  protect  our  camp  from  its  incursions ;  we 
"  succeeded  in  this  but  the  stench  from  decomposing  animal 
"  and  vegetable  matter  left  by  the  water  when  it  receded 
11  produced  much  sickness  among  us  and  we  were  finally 
"  forced  to  move  our  camp  and  occupy  a  much  smaller  space 
"  nearer  the  river.  May  22d,  Col.  Roberts  was  taken  sick 
"  *  *  *  *  which  left  me  in  command."  And  in  speak 
ing  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  departure  of  the  regi 
ment  for  Baton  Rouge  he  says.  .******«  This 
"  state  of  affairs  continued  until  the  6th  of  June  when  I  re- 
"  ceived  an  order  from  Gen.  Butler  to  prepare  the  regiment 
"  to  embark  immediately  on  board  the  steamer  '  Herville '  with 
"  the  tents  of  the  regiment,  and  officers'  baggage,  limited  to  a 
11  valise,  bag  or  knapsack  to  each.  I  prepared  the  regiment 
"  immediately  according  to  the  order,  and  the  next  morning 
"  was  ready,  but  after  waiting  for  the  boat  until  the  morning 
11  of  the  15th,  I  went  to  New  Orleans  to  see  Gen.  Butler  to 
"  represent  to  him  the  condition  of  the  regiment,  ascertain 
"  our  destination  and  if  possible  obtain  leave  to  take  more 


AREIVAL  AT  BATON  ROUGE.  15 

"  baggage  than  allowed  by  the  order,  in  which  I  thought 
"  there  must  be  some  mistake,  since  the  trip  was  to  be  made 
"  by  steamer,  and  our  baggage  could  have  as  well  been  taken 
"  as  left  behind.  I  was  at  Gen.  Butler's  office  when  he 
"  entered  it  in  the  morning,  sent  in  my  name  immediately, 
"  requesting  that  I  might  see  him  a  moment,  but  was  forced 
"  to  return  to  camp  at  night  without  having  obtained  an  in- 
"  terview.  When  I  arrived  at  camp  I  found  the  '  Iberville ' 
"  had  been  sent  up  during  the  day  with  an  order  to  embark 
"  the  troops  immediately  ;  everything  was  nearly  ready  and 
"  hastily  preparing  myself  I  went  on  board  without  any  order 
"  written  or  oral  where  I  was  to  go,  or  what  I  was  to  do. 

*  *  *  *  *  "  We  proceeded  up  the  river,  and  in  the 
"  afternoon  of  the  next  day  the  '  Iberville'  stopped  at  Baton 
"  Rouge.  Knowing  that  Gen.  Williams  was  in  command  of 
"  our  forces  I  went  to  his  quarters,  and  informed  him  that 
"  although  I  had  received  no  orders  to  report  to  him,  the 
"  regiment  was  there,  and  I  should  be  happy  to  receive  orders 
"  from  him.  He  said  he  had  been  informed  that  we  were 
"  coming,  and  directed  me  to  disembark  the  troops." 

About  this  time  I  was  ordered  to  join  the  regiment  at 
Baton  Eouge,  and  accordingly  left  Fort  Pike  taking  with  me 
Company  B,  Capt.  Cronan,  leaving  C  and  a  portion  of  D  com 
pany  to  garrison  that  post  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Porter. 


CHAPTER  II. 


VICKSBURG  CAMPAIGN. GRAND  GULF. EXPERIENCE  OF  COL. 

ROBERTS  AND  LIEUT.  CLARK  IN  ASCENDING  THE  RIVER. 
— "  BUTLER'S    DITCH." — EXPOSURE    AND   SICKNESS 

OF  THE  REGIMENT. — DEATH  OF  CAPT.  BROOKS. 
RETURN  TO   BATON  ROUGE. 


1BE2, 


the  19th  of  June  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  em- 
bark  on  transports,   to   take   part   in   an  expedition 
against  Vicksburg  under  Gen.  Williams. 

A  few  weeks  before,  Gen.  Williams,  with  about  1,500  men, 
acting  in  conjunction  with  the  naval  forces  under  Admiral 
Farragut,  had  ascended  the  river  as  far  as  Vicksburg  on  a 
reconnoissance,  and  on  his  return  had  reported  that  he  saw 
no  chance  of  taking  the  place  with  the  troops  at  his  disposal, 
even  with  the  aid  of  the  navy,  as  it  was  heavily  fortified  and 
manned,  and  the  enemy,  in  addition  to  the  regular  garrison, 
had  at  least  30,000  men  within  an  hour's  call. 

'  Notwithstanding  this   adverse  report  we  were  expected, 
with  a  land  force  of  not  exceeding  3,500  men,  to  take  Vicks- 


REPORTS  CONCERNING  AND  DEPARTURE  FOR  VICKSBURG.    17 

burg7  an  undertaking,  as  was  subsequently  demonstrated, 
wholly  beyond  our  power,  for  the  place  was  substantially  as 
strong  then,  as  it  afterwards  proved  to  be  when  attacked  by 
Gen.  Sherman  with  a  very  much  larger  command,  and  later 
when  besieged  by  Gen.  Grant  with  his  formidable  army. 

The  utter  absurdity  and  futility  of  this  enterprise  is  also 
illustrated  by  the  observations  of  Admiral  Farragut,  who,  in 
speaking  ot  Vicksburg  at  this  time,  in  a  letter  dated  June 
29tli,  after  our  arrival  there,  among  other  things  says : 
*  *  *  *  "It  seems  to  me  that  any  man  of  common 
"  sense  would  know  that  this  place  cannot  be  taken  with  our 
"  present  force,  when  the  army  in  its  rear  consists  of  ten  or 
"  fifteen  thousand  men."  And  in  a  report  dated  July  2d,  he 
further  says  :  *  *  *  *  "  Gen.  Williams  has  with  him 
"  about  3,000  men.  *  *  *  *  The  army  officers  gen- 
"  erally  have  shown  a  great  anxiety  to  do  everything  in  their 
"  power  to  help  us,  but  their  force  is  too  small  to  attack  the 
"  town,  or  for  any  other  purpose  than  a  momentary  assault 
11  to  spike  guns,  should  such  an  opportunity  offer.  *  *  *  * 
"  I  am  satisfied  it  is  not  possible  to  take  Vicksburg  without 
11  an  army  of  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  men"  (See  Life 
and  Letters  of  Farragut  by  his  son,  pp.  279  to  283.) 

Gen.  Williams'  command  consisted  of  the  following  troops, 
viz.:  the  Ninth  Connecticut,  Thirtieth  Massachusetts,  Fourth 
Wisconsin,  eight  companies  Seventh  Vermont,  and  Nim's 
Light  Battery  (Mass).  Our  regiment  left  Baton  Kouge 
without  any  camp  equipage  save  a  few  cooking  utensils,  and 
with  only  ten  days'  rations,  and  about  a  week's  supply  of 
medical  stores.  Our  eight  companies,  including  the  field, 


18  GRAND   GULF. 

staff  and  other  commissioned  officers,  numbered  not  far  from 
800  men.  We  were  assigned  to  the  transports  "  Ceres  "  and 
"  Morning  Light,"  two  Mississippi  steamers  of  the  pattern  to 
which  I  have  already  alluded.  The  expedition  was  convoyed 
by  Farragut's  entire  fleet. 

As  we  approached  Grand  Gulf,  where  the  previous  ex 
pedition  had  been  fired  into,  we  made  a  landing,  and  several 
companies  of  our  regiment,  under  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  were 
•sent  to  make  a  detour  for  the  purpose  of  capturing  any  hos 
tile  force  that  might  still  be  lingering  in  the  place.  Lieut.- 
Col.  Fullam  thus  speaks  of  the  movement:  *  *  *  * 
"  The  march  was  commenced  about  mid-day,  and  the  heat 
"  was  intense,  producing  great  suffering  among  both  officers 
"  and  men,  many  of  them  falling  insensible  in  the  road,  or 
"  fainting  by  the  wayside  from  exhaustion.  *  *  *  *  In 
"  spite,  however,  of  these  difficulties,  and  the  want  of  water 
"  which  was  severely  felt  on  the  way,  all  the  men  came  in 
"  together  at  Grand  Gulf,  where  we  again  went  on  board  the 
"  transports." 

No  signs  of  any  considerable  number  of  the  enemy,  how 
ever,  were  discovered,  although  a  few  stray  shots  were  fired 
at  our  troops  from  some  of  the  houses  in  the  suburbs. 

By  way  of  retribution  for  the  attack  made  from  this  place 
upon  the  previous  expedition,  and  as  a  warning  to  other 
towns  along  the  river  of  the  punishment  that  would  be  ad 
ministered  if,  from  under  their  cover,  our  forces  were  again 
assailed,  orders  were  issued  to  burn  the  entire  village. 
'Accordingly  the  torch  was  applied  to  it,  and  in  a  short  time 
every  house  was  in  flames,  and  by  the  light  of  the  conflagra- 


COL.    EGBERTS    AND    LIEUT.    CLARK'S    EXPERIENCE.         19 

tion,  which  wholly  destroyed  the  place,  we  proceeded  on  our 
course. 

Although  Col.  Koberts  and  some  of  our  men  were  subse 
quently  fired  into  at  this  point,  the  effect  of  the  severe  ex 
ample  thus  made  was   that  but  few,   if  any   more  attacks 
were  made  upon  our  forces  from  inhabited  towns.     But  in 
stead  masked  batteries   were  planted  by  the  enemy  in  the 
heavy  forests  which  lined  the  shores  oi  the  river  at  numer 
ous  points,   and   frequently,   when  we  least  expected  it,  we 
were  pelted  with  shot  and  shell  from  these  batteries  concealed 
in  the  woods.     On  these   occasions,  unless  one  of  our  gun 
boats  was  near  at  hand,  we  were  completely  at  the  mercy  of 
the  enemy,  for  on  the  transports  there  was  no  artillery,  and 
the  calibre  of  our  muskets  was  too  light  to  successfully  cope 
with  rifled  cannon ;  nevertheless  we  invariably  returned  the 
fire  with  our  small  arms,  without,  however,  inflicting  any 
thing  like  the  injury  and  loss  we  sustained.     The  character 
of  these  attacks  is  well  illustrated  in  an  account  furnished 
me  by  Capt.,  (then  Lieut.,)  Charles  Clark,  descriptive  of  his 
trip  up  the  river  in  company  with  Col.  Roberts  and  others. 
who  joined  the  regiment  after  its  arrival  at  Vicksburg,  and 
is  as  follows:  "Col.  Roberts  and  I  were  in  the  hospital  at 
"  Carrolton  too  ill  to  leave  with  the  regiment  when  it  was 
'•'  ordered  up  the  river.     It  was  some  little  time  before  we 
"  were  able  to  follow.     We  first  proceeded  to  Baton  Rouge, 
"  where  we  waited  several  days  for  transportation.     At  last 
"  a  steamer  came  along  with  a  bark  alongside  with  naval 
"  stores  for  the  fleet.     There  were  a  few  officers  and  men  on 
"  board  the  steamer,  also  proceeding  to  join  their  regiments, 


20  ARRIVAL   AT    VICKSBUEG. 

11  and  about  twenty  sailors  as  a  guard,  and  one  small  brass 
"  howitzer  mounted  on  the  hurricane  deck.  The  pilot  house 
"  was  protected  as  much  as  possible  by  mattrasses.  The 
11  bark  carried  four  guns.  As  we  approached  Grand  Gulf 
"  we  observed  that  fortifications  had  been  erected  and  guns 
"  mounted.  Before  we  came  in  range  ;  muskets  were  dis- 
"  tributed.  Directly  a  solid  shot  came  booming  toward  us, 
11  and  as  we  neared  a  sharp  turn  in  the  river  we  came  within 
"  range  of  other  guns.  The  enemy's  batteries  were  so 
11  located  that  they  could  command  our  boats  long  before 
"  we  could  utilize  our  guns.  As  soon  as  we  got  the  bark 
"  abreast  of  the  fortifications  we  were  able  to  return  an 
"  effective  fire,  and  succeeded  in  dismounting  one  or  two  of 
"  the  rebel  pieces  and  killing  and  wounding  several  men,  as 
"  we  were  afterwards  informed.  Neither  our  muskets  nor 
"  the  howitzer  were  of  any  practical  benefit,  as  we  could  not 
"  bring  them  within  range.  We  were  under  fire  for  nearly 
"  an  hour,  and  at  one  time  our  vessels  were  raked  fore  and 
11  aft,  several  shots  passing  entirely  through  the  transport, 
"  the  cabins  and  staterooms  of  which  were  greatly  riddled 
"  and  shattered.  We  were  struck  thirty  times.  One  or  two 
"  sailors  were  wounded,  and  we  all  had  a  very  narrow  escape." 

The  regiment  reached  Vicksburg  June  25th.  Col.  Eoberts 
arrived  and  took  command  on  the  8th  of  July.  The  trans 
ports,  upon  which  we  were  quartered,  were  made  fast  to  the 
river  bank  a  little  below  the  main  batteries,  but  not  out  of 
range  of  the  enemy's  guns. 

The  course  of  the  river  at  this  point  was  such  as  to  form 
opposite  Vicksburg  a  cone-shaped  peninsula  or  tongue  of  low 


OPPOSITE    VICKSBURG.  21 

land,  from  four  to  five  miles  in  length,  and  at  its  base  from  a 
mile  to  a  mile  and  a  half  in  width.  This  peninsula  was  par 
tially  protected  from  overflow  by  levees  built  along  the  shore 
furtherest  from  Vicksburg ;  but,  nevertheless,  a  considerable 
portion  of  it  was  annually,  and  sometimes  oftener,  submerged 
for  weeks  at  a  time,  especially  after  any  unusual  rise  in 
the  river.  The  soil  consequently  was  largely  alluvial,  the 
upper  stratum  of  which  consisted  of  a  thick  layer  of  cohesive 
earth,  made  up  principally  of  decayed  and  decomposing 
animal  and  vegetable  matter. 

At  the  time  we  reached  Vicksburg  the  river  was  still  high 
from  the  spring  freshets,  but  it  soon  commenced  to  fall  at  the 
rate  of  nearly  a  foot  per  day,  and  before  we  left  the  water 
was  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  below  the  top  of  the  banks.  We 
found  the  surface  of  the  soil,  in  some  places,  in  a  compar 
atively  dry  state ;  but  there  remained  here  and  there,  large 
pools  of  water  left  from  the  last  overflow,  which  had  become 
stagnant,  and  were  covered  with  a  thick  green  scum,  com 
posed,  as  Dr.  Blanchard  expresses  it,  "of  the  concentrated 
"  essence  of  malaria,  and  containing  as  much  death  to  the 
"  square  inch  as  it  would  be  possible  for  the  laboratory  of 
"  nature  to  compound,"  and  from  which  much  offensive 
effluvia  was  emitted.  The  surrounding  country  too,  as  a 
general  rule,  was  low  and  swampy,  so  that  at  night  and  until 
after  sunrise  in  the  morning  we  were  enveloped  in  a  thick 
mist  of  intense  humidity,  surcharged  with  poisonous  exhal 
ations  emanating  in  these  cesspools  and  swamps,  which  liter 
ally  reeked  with  miasmatic  elements. 


ZZ  OPPOSITE   VICKSBUEG. 

In  a  short  time  sickness  made  its  appearance  in  the  entire 
command,  which  was  greatly  aggravated  by  the  want  of 
wholesome  food,  and  from  an  entire  lack  of  suitable  medi 
cines  and  appliances  for  the  proper  care  and  comfort  of  the 
sick.  We  had  no  vegetables,  and  scarcely  any  fresh  meat, 
and  the  rations  furnished  were  of  a  poor  quality.  We  were 
obliged  to  use  the  muddy  and  impure  water  of  the  Missis 
sippi  both  for  cooking  and  drinking  purposes,  having  no 
means  of  clarifying  it.  The  small  stock  of  medical  stores 
with  which  we  4eft  Baton  Rouge  soon  became  exhausted,  and 
we  were  entirely  without  medicines,  except  such  as  Dr. 
Blanchard  and  Capt.  Morse,  our  Quartermaster,  were  able 
to  get  from  the  fleet  surgeons,  who  generously  supplied  us 
with  all  they  could  spare,  but  as  the  sickness  among  the 
sailors  was  steadily  increasing,  they  could  not  furnish  us 
with  anything  like  the  quantity  which  our  necessities  re 
quired.  We  were  imperfectly  supplied  with  camp  equipage, 
having  no  tents,  and  consequently  the  men  remainel  on 
board  the  transports  until  the  number  of  sick  became  so 
great  as  to  require  all  the  available  room,  when  the  few  men 
fit  for  duty  were  directed  to  encamp  on  the  shore.  We 
managed  to  get  a  few  shelter  tents,  and  with  the  aid  of 
boughs  and  stray  pieces  of  lumber  succeeded  in  erecting  a 
covering  to  crawl  under  at  night,  but  which  afforded  little  or 
no  protection  against  the  deadly  night  damps,  and,  sleeping 
as  we  were  obliged  to,  on  the  poisonous  ground,  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  malarial  disorders  increased  at  an  alarming 
rate. 


23 

The  sickness  in  the  army  was  also  greatly  augmented  by 
the  work  which  the  men  were  compelled  to  perform  during 
the  day.  Immediately  upon  our  arrival  Gen.  Williams,  who 
was  a  great  martinet,  ordered  daily  drills  with  knapsacks.* 
In  addition  to  these  duties,  the  men  were  set  to  work  in  the 
broiling  sun  digging  a  canal  across  the  peninsula,  which  was 
designed  to  divert  and  wholly  change  the  course  of  the  river. 
It  was  claimed  that  by  digging  through  a  thin  upper  crust 
of  earth  a  substratum  of  quicksand  would  be  reached,  and  it 
was  then  proposed  to  let  in  the  current  of  the  river,  the  force 
of  which,  it  was  expected,  would  cut  through  the  sand  and 
form  a  new  channel,  and  Vicksburg  would  thereby  be  made 
an  inland  city,  and  rendered  wholly  useless  as  an  objective 
point. 

This  colossal  piece  of  folly,  according  to  Parton,  seems  to 
have  been  conceived  by  Gen.  Butler,  for  in  his  book  relating  to 
Gen.  Butler's  career  in  New  Orleans  (pp.  5 54-5) ;  after  referring 
to  the  fact  that  Admiral  Farragut  and  Genls.  Williams  and 
Weitzel  had  expressed  the  opinion  that  Vicksburg  could  not 
be  taken  with  less  than  10,000  men,  he  says :  *  *  *  * 
"  This  opinion  being  communicated  to  Gen.  Butler,  he  de- 
"  voted  the  spare  hours  of  a  week  to  the  study  of  the  position. 
'  Many  plans,  measurements,  natives  of  the  town,  engineer 
"  officers,  and  even  works  on  geology  were  examined.  The 
"  conception  of  the  celebrated  cut-off  was  the  result  of  his 
"  cogitations.  It  was  truly  an  ingenious  and  most  plausible 
"  scheme.  Such  a  canal  cut  across  almost  any  other  bend  of 

*  For  the  reason,  as  was  alleged,  that  he  was  distrusted  that  a  few  of  the  men  suc 
cumbed  to  the  intense  heat  during  the  useless  and  fruitless  march  around  Grand  Gulf, 
and  he  proposed  in  this  wiy  to  toughen  and  accustjm  ihem  to  the  sun. 


2-i  "  BUTLER'S  DITCH." 

"  the  river  would  have  answered  the  purpose  intended.  But 
"  nature  had  concealed  under  the  soft  surface  of  that  par- 
"  ticular  piece  of  land  a  bed  of  tough  clay  which  baffled  the 
11  progress  of  diverting  the  course  of  the  river.  It  happened 
"  also  that  the  force  of  the  stream  at  that  point  tends  to  the 
"  opposite  shore,  and  could  not  be  persuaded  to  co-operate 
"  effectually  with  the  canal  cutters.  Consequently  the  Father 
"  of  Waters  kept  to  his  ancient  bed,  and  Vicksburg  remained 
"  a  river  town." 

The  only  merit  this  wonderful  scheme  had,  as  Mr.  Parton 
truly  says,  was  that  it  was  "  most  plausible."  It  sounded 
well  and  superficially  had  the  ring  of  a  great  military  stroke, 
so  much  so,  that  some  few  sanguine  souls  predicted  it  would 
prove  to  be  an  achievement  well  worthy  of  a  great  master  in 
the  art  of  war.  But  to  those  who  had  to  do  with  the  prac 
tical  part  of  it,  and  who  imperiled  their  lives  in  the  hopeless 
task  of  trying  to  make  it  a  success,  the  undertaking  from  the 
start  was  regarded  as  an  utterly  chimerical  one,  and  for  that 
reason  it  was  denominated  "  Folly  Creek  "  or  "  Butler's  Ditch." 
It  was  not  strange  that  such  a  project  should  have  been  the 
coinage  of  the  brain  of  the  hero  of  Bermuda  Hundred  and  of 
the  Fort  Fisher  Petard,  but  it  is  strange  that  so  absurd  an  ex 
periment  should  afterward  have  been  persisted  in.  Its  failure 
is  a  matter  of  history,  and  it  is  now  apparent  that  it  was 
never  practicable  and  at  no  time  was  there  any  possibility 
that  it  would  prove  a  success.  Of  course  had  Gen.  Butler 
triumphed  in  this  scheme  there  would  have  been  no  limit  to 
the  degree  of  credit  which  he  would  have  claimed  and  the 
occasion  would  have  enabled  him  to  issue  a  series  of  buncomb 


" BUTLER'S  DITCH"  AND  ITS  ABANDONMENT.          25 

orders  celebrating  the  wonderful  achievements  of  a  handful  of 
New  England  men  who  had  opened  to  the  Northwest  the 
lower  half  of  its  great  water  course  to  the  sea.  It  was 
the  boast  of  Gen.  Jackson  that  he  had  opened  this  highway 
to  the  Northwest,  and  had  Butler  succeeded  in  reducing 
Vicksburg,  which  at  that  time  was  the  only  important  forti 
fied  point  on  the  river  not  controlled  by  our  forces,  he  could, 
and  undoubtedly  would  have  claimed  a  higher  meed  of  praise 
than  was  awarded  to  the  redoubtable  Jackson. 

After  a  majority  of  our  entire  command  had  been  brought 
down  with  malarial  diseases,  from  inhaling  the  fumes  and 
vapors  which  arose  from  the  soil  as  it  was  excavated  and 
exposed  to  the  air  and  sun,  a  large  auxilary  force  of  negroes, 
gathered  from  the  surrounding  country,  was  set  to  work. 
But  notwithstanding,  the  expedient  was  a  failure.  The  river 
persisted  in  falling,  and  we  were  not  able  to  dig  fast  enough 
to  keep  pace  with  it,  and  so,  much  to  our  relief,  we  were 
ordered  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

Gen.  Grant  afterwards  attempted  to  finish  the  job  but  met 
with  no  success.  Personally  he  seems  to  have  had  no  confi 
dence  in  it,  and  it  eventually  culminated  in  a  stupendous 
fizzle. 

Badeau  in  his  Military  History  of  Grant  thus  refers   to  it. 

*  *  *  "As  early  as  the  20th  of  January,  (1863) 
"  Gen.  Grant  had  instructed  McGlernand  to  enlarge  the 
"  canal.  He  had  been  ordered  by  Halleck  to  direct  his  atten- 
"  tion  particularly  to  this  undertaking,  as  the  President 
"  attached  much  importance  to  it.  It  was  a  scheme — Badeau 
"  says — of  magnificent  proportions,  but  more  likely  to  attract 


26 

"  an  imagination  like  Lincoln's,  than  to  strike  favorably  a 
"  purely  military  mind.  *  *  *  On  the  4th  of  Feb- 
"  ruary  he  (Grant)  reported  to  Halleck  that  he  had  lost  all 
"  faith  in  the  practicability  of  the  scheme.  The  canal  " — he 
said — "  is  at  right  angles  with  the  thread  of  the  current  at 
"  both  ends,  and  both  ends  are  in  an  eddy,  the  lower  coming 
"  out  under  bluffs  completely  commanding  it.  Warren- 
"  ton,  a  few  miles  below,  is  as  capable  of  as  strong  de- 
"  fence  as  Vicksburg."  (pp.  163-4,  vol.  I.)  Gen.  Badeau 
then  says.  *  *  *  ":AJB  constructed  by  Gen.  Williams, 
"  the  canal  was  ten  feet  wide  and  six  feet  deep,  but  his 
"  excavations  did  not  extend  through  the  stratum  of 
"  black  alluvial  soil  to  the  sandy  substratum ;  and  in 
"  1862,  when  the  water  rose  so  as  to  run  through  there 
"  was  no  enlargement.  *  *  *  The  result  was  a  total 
"failure,  although  Grant's  men  worked  at  it  two  months 
"  and  finally  when  a  rise  in  the  river  took  place,  instead  of 
"  the  water  cutting  under,  it  broke  through  the  levees  of  the 
"  canal  itself,  and  came  near  drowning  all  the  army  engaged 
"  in  its  enlargement.  *  *  *  The  troops  were  obliged 
11  to  flee  for  their  lives.  Horses  were  drowned,  implements 
"  were  broken  and  borne  away  by  the  current,  and  all  the 
"  labor  of  many  weeks  lost."  (p.  166,  vol.  I.) 

In  addition  to  the  depression  caused  by  the  rapidly  increas 
ing  sickness  and  frightful  mortality  in  the  command,  our 
position  was  a  perilous  one.  We  were  frequently  subjected 
to  heavy  cannonades  from  the  enemy's  guns,  and  on  one  or 
two  occasions  were  obliged  to  change  our  position  to  avoid 
the  effect  of  their  shells. 


PROTECTING   MORTAR   BOATS — LIEUT.    PARKER.  27 

Some  of  our  mortar  boats  anchored  near  to  the  Vicksburg 
shore  were  much  annoyed  by  attacks  made  upon  them  from 
behind  the  cover  of  the  thickly  wooded  banks  by  the  rebel 
sharpshooters  and  infantry,  and  it  was  feared  that  an  effort 
might  be  made  to  capture  these  vessels,  as  they  lay  quite 
close  to  the  shore.  For  their  better  protection,  and  to  pre 
vent  a  surprise,  a  detail  from  our  regiment,  under  Lieut. 
Jackson  V.  Parker,  of  Company  B,  with  other  troops,  was 
sent  across  the  river.  After  throwing  out  a  cordon  of  pickets, 
the  balance  of  this  small  force  encamped  in  the  swamps  a 
short  distance  from  the  bomb-boats,  which,  in  the  meantime, 
had  received  additional  armament  in  the  shape  of  ship 
howitzers,  and  which  were  so  planted  that  our  troops,  if 
attacked,  could  retire  to  their  cover.  The  rebels  seem  not 
to  have  been  aware  of  the  arrangements  thus  made  for  their 
reception,  for  in  a  few  days  they  sallied  forth  to  effect  the 
capture,  not  only  of  the  entire  guard,  but,  as  some  of  the 
prisoners  afterwards  informed  us,  they  "  started  in "  with 
the  expectation  of  taking  a  "  blacksmith's  shop  "  or  two,  such 
being  the  name  given  by  them  to  the  mortar  vessels,  on  ac 
count  of  the  quantity  of  iron  disseminated  from  the  shells 
they  dropped. 

The  attack  was  made  with  an  overpowering  force,  and  our 
men  were  forced  back  to  the  very  edge  of  the  stream,  closely 
followed  by  the  "  Johnnies,"  but  as  the  latter  emerged  from 
the  woods,  they  were  met  with  such  a  shower  of  grape  and 
canister  from  the  howitzers  that  they  were  only  too  glad 
to  beat  a  hasty  and  precipitate  retreat,  which  shortly  became 
a  perfect  rout  and  stampede.  Many  of  them  were  killed  and 


28  OUTPOST   SERVICE — INCREASED  SICKNESS. 

wounded,  and  for  days^  afterwards  our  men  gathered  up 
swords,  muskets  and  cartridge-boxes  discarded  by  them  in 
their  flight,  to  say  nothing  of  the  harvest  of  boots  and  shoes 
they  left  sticking  in  the  mud  as  they  hurriedly  wended  their 
way  homeward  through  the  swamps.  No  further  attempts 
were  made  to  molest  either  our  men  or  the  "  blacksmith 
shops,"  further  than  to  practice  upon  the  former  the  art  of 
sharpshooting  from  behind  trees.  Lieut.  Parker  and  his  men 
spent  about  ten  days  in  this  dangerous  position.  Much  of 
the  time  they  were  stationed  under  the  very  shadow  of  the 
enemy's  fortifications,  and  were  continually  exposed  to  the 
musketry  fire  incidental  to  outpost  service. 

By  the  middle  of  July  so  many  men  were  prostrated  by 
disease  that  it  was  with  difficulty  that  we  could  furnish  our 
complement  of  soldiers  for  necessary  guard  duty. 

In  our  regiment,  after  the  first  fortnight,  there  was  not  at 
any  one  time  over  three  or  four  officers  and  from  ninety  to 
one  hundred  men  fit  for  duty.  Hardly  a  day  passed  but  one 
or  two  men  died,  and  on  one  occasion  three  men  from  one 
company  died  within  the  rise  and  set  of  the  sun.  We  had 
not  men  enough  off  duty  to  form  a  funeral  escort  even  for  an 
enlisted  man,  and  those  who  died  were  necessarily  buried 
without  any  ceremony,  and  generally  in  such  covering  as 
they  had  about  them  at  the  time  of  their  death,  and  which 
consisted  of  nothing  but  their  clothing  and  an  army  blanket. 

"  No  useless  coffin  enclosed  their  breasts 
Nor  in  sheet,  or  in  shroud  we  wound  them." 

A  special  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Tribune  in  a 
letter  dated  July  19th;  thus  refers  to  the  general  condition  of 


INCREASED  SICKNESS  AND  MORTALITY DR.  BLANCHARD.    29 

both  the  army  and  navy.  "  The  sickness  on  the  fleet  and  in 
"  Gen.  Williams'  command  is  steadily  increasing  and  the 
"  deaths  augmenting.  The  weather  is  conducive  to  disease, 
"  being  of  the  hottest,  most  sultry  and  enervating  character. 
"  The  land  forces  are  suffering  greatly,  and  day  before  yes- 
"  terday  seven  men  died  in  one  regiment.  Some  ascribe  the 
"  sickness  largely  to  the  water.  *  *  *  The  surgeons 
"  have  exhausted  nearly  all  their  stock  of  medicines  and  in 
"  numerous  instances  are  unable  to  prescribe  what  is  needed." 
And  in  another  letter  dated  July  21st  he  says  : 
"  The  sickness  on  the  '  Flotilla  '  continues  to  increase  and 
"  nearly  every  vessel  bears  the  appearance  of  a  hospital. 
"_**.*  The  weather  is  so  hot  and  sultry  that  no 
"  one  can  sleep  under  cover,  and  when  men  lie  in  the  open 
"  air  they  incur  disease  from  the  malaria  in  the  atmosphere. 
"  One-half  to  two-thirds  of  all  the  persons  on  the  '  Flotilla  '  are 
"  ill  and  unfit  for  duty,  while  Gen.  Williams'  troops  have 
"  suffered  terribly  as  many  graves  on  the  Louisiana  peninsula 
"  attest.  Swamp  fever,  ague,  dengue,  dysentery,  with  gene- 
"  ral  debility  are  the  principal  complaints."  (See  N.  Y. 
Tribune,  August  2d,  1862.) 

This  was  no  fancy  sketch,  as  those  of  us  who  were  present 
can  testify.  The  condition  of  the  command  was  pitiable. 
The  surgeons,  with  the  limited  means  at  their  command  had 
done  all  that  lay  in  their  power,  and  Dr.  Blanchard,  then 
assistant  surgeon  of  our  regiment,  and  the  only  physician  we 
had  with  us,  although  very  much  affected  himself  with  mal 
aria,  was  untiring  in  his  devotion  to  the  sick,  and  deserves 
the  greatest  credit  for  the  patience  and  skill  he  displayed. 


30       KEBEL  RAM  "  ARKANSAS  " EEMOVAL  OF  THE  SICK. 

On  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  July  the  rebel  ram  "  Arkan 
sas  "  after  running  through  Admiral  Davis'  fleet  of  iron 
clads  at,  and  below,  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  river,  succeeded 
also  in  running  through  that  portion  of  Farragut's  fleet, 
which  had  previously  passed  Vicksburg  and  was  lying  at 
anchor  in  the  stream  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  peninsula, 
and  in  a  short  time  was  safely  moored  under  the  enemy's 
batteries.  Our  position,  unprotected  as  we  were,  by  any 
adequate  force,  was  consequently  greatly  endangered,  and  a 
good  deal  of  consternation  prevailed.  Had  this  formidable 
boat  attacked  us  then,  we  could  have  offered  no  successful 
resistance,  and  our  transports  might  easily  have  been  de 
stroyed. 

Apprehending  an  onset,  orders  were  received  from  head 
quarters  to  disembark  the  sick,  and  move  them  across 
the  peninsula  so  that  they  might  be  under  the  protection 
of  the  fleet.  The  execution  of  this  unnecessary  and  inju 
dicious  order  is  referred  to  by  Dr.  Blanchard,  as  follows  : 
"  By  some  means,  I  hardly  know  how,  we  got  three 
11  hundred  sick  and  helpless  men  over  to  the  levee 
"  opposite  Vicksburg,  without  tents  or  blankets,  and  with- 
"  out  food  or  medicines.  Just  at  night  it  began  to  rain 
"  in  a  drizzling  sort  of  way,  I  managed  to  get  a  limited 
11  supply  of  crackers  and  tea,  and  spent  the  night  wading 
u  through  the  mud  distributing  these  articles  of  nourishment 
11  which  was  all  I  could  obtain.  The  next  morning  we  receiv- 
"  ed  orders  to  return  to  the  transports." 
•  Farragut,  nettled  by  the  fact  that  the  "  Arkansas  "  had 
safely  run  through  his  squadron,  resolved  that  very  night 


ADMIRAL  FARRAGUT DEATH  OF  CAPT.  BROOKS.    31 

to  re-run  the  rebel  batteries  and  resume  his  original  posi 
tion  below  Vicksburg.  About  nine  o'clock  at  night  his' 
ships  got  under  weigh  and  shortly  afterward  the  mortar 
boats  and  our  own  batteries  opened  a  furious  bombard 
ment.  The  enemy  anticipating  Farragut's  movement,  at 
once  set  fire  to  numerous  tar  barrels  and  other  combus 
tibles,  which  cast  a  very  bright  illumination  over  the  river 
in  their  immediate  front,  and  as  the  vessels  of  the  fleet 
came  within  range  of  the  rebels'  guns  a  terrific  cannonade  was 
begun.  For  over  two  hours  the  roar  of  three  hundred  pieces 
of  the  heaviest  ordnance  was  continuous.  By  midnight  the 
entire  squadron  had  passed  the  batteries,  and  was  safely 
anchored  nearly  opposite  our  transports.  It  was  a  most 
brilliant  exploit,  and  an  achievement  well  worthy  of  the 
heroic  commander  who  conceived  it. 

Although  the  fleet  was  not  seriously  damaged,  it  was  felt 
that  our  position  was  an  untenable  and  exceedingly  hazardous 
one ;  we  were  practically  surrounded ;  our  supplies  were 
.nearly  exhausted,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  and 
danger  that  our  line  of  communication  was  kept  open.  No 
vessel  could  reach  us  except  under  the  convoy  of  one  or  two 
gun-boats,  and  it  was  finally  determined  that  we  should  re 
turn  to  Baton  Rouge. 

One  incident  occurred  at  this  time  which  greatly  enhanced 
the  general  gloom  and  sorrow,  and  was  occasioned  by  the 
tragic  death  of  Capt.  Lorenzo  Brooks,  of  Company  F,  who 
was  killed  on  the  transport  "  Geres,"  while  in  command  of  a 
-party  of  soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  return  the  negroes  em 
ployed  in  the  work  upon  "  Butler  Ditch."  The  "  Ceres  "  was 


32  DEATH  OF  CAPT.  BROOKS. 

one  of  our  hospital  boats,  and  was  selected  for  the  purpose 
on  account  of  her  large  deck  space.  Quite  a  number  of  our 
sick,  including  several  disabled  officers,  were  on  board  and 
preferred  to  remain  rather  than  incur  the  risk  of  passing  the 
night  on  shore  in  our  pedtilential  encampment.  Among  the 
officers  who  accompanied  the  expedition  were  Col.  Roberts, 
Capt.  D.  B.  Peck  (afterwards  Colonel),  Capts.  Salmon,  Button, 
John  L.  Moseley,  and  Lieuts.  Harris  and  R.  C.  Gales,  the 
names  of  the  others  I  do  not  recall.  The  negroes  were  em 
barked  about  dark,  and  the  "  Ceres  "  started  down  the  river. 
The  result  of  her  trip  was  thus  described  by  a  correspondent 
of  the  New  York  Times  :  "On  the  22d  of  July  the  <  Ceres ' 
"  was  sent  to  a  point  about  twelve  miles  below  Vicksburg, 
"  with  three  or  four  hundred  negroes  who  had  been  in  the 
"  employ  of  the  government  for  the  purpose  of  returning  them 
"  to  their  owners.  After  landing  them,  and  while  returning, 
"  the  '  Ceres '  was  fired  into  by  field  artillery,  stationed 
"  along  the  shore,  thirty-two  shots  being  fired  in  quick  suc- 
"  cession,  consisting  of  grape,  six  pound  shot  and  shells. 
"Eight  shots  passed  through  the  boat;  one  charge  of  grape 
"  lodged  in  the  hull ;  one  six  pound  round  shot  went  through 
"  the  hull,  six  inches  below  the  water  line  ;  six  shots  passed 
"  through  between  the  upper  and  lower  decks,  and  one 
"  through  the  cabin,  killing  Capt.  Brooks."  (See  N.  Y.  Times, 
August  llth,  1862).  This  account  is  substantially  corrobo 
rated  by  Col.  Peck,  who  speaks  of  the  affair  as  follows  : 
*  *  *  «I  remained  on  board  with  the  other  sick 
"  officers.  The  negroes  were  safely  delivered  about  mid- 
"  night,  *  *  *  and  we  were  within  about  five  miles. 


DEATH   AND   BUEIAL   OF   CAPT.    BROOKS.  33 

"  of  our  camp,  on  our  return,  when  (the  rebels  opened  fire 
"  upon  us  from  a  light  battery  placed  where  the  river  made 
"  a  sharp  bend,  and  the  current  ran  very  strong.  The  second 
"  shot  struck  the  rail  of  the  cabin  deck  and  glanced  upward, 
"  killing  Capt.  Brooks.  *  *  *  Owing  to  the  curve 
"  in  the  river  we  were  necessarily  within  range  for  a  long 
"  distance,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  we  were  struck  twenty  - 
"  three  times  out  of  thirty-two  shots ;  eleven  of  these  were 
"  in  the  hull,  and  five  of  them  below  the  water  line.  The 
"  third  shot  struck  the  starboard  engine,  stopping  it  and  of 
"  course  leaving  us  turning  round  in  the  face  of  the  battery. 
"  Fortunately  for  us  it  was  nothing  more  serious  than  the 
"  knocking  of  the  eccentric  lever  rod  out  of  place,  and  this 
"  being  promptly  put  back  in  position  we  soon  passed  out  of 
"  range.  Our  worst  leaks  were  stopped  by  tearing  up  mat- 
"  trasses  and  clothing  and  stuffing  up  the  holes.  We  had  no 
"  means  of  replying  to  the  fire,  except  with  muskets  which 
"  were  of  no  use." 

It  seems  the  enemy  had  observed  the  embarkation  on,  and 
departure  of,  the  "  Ceres"  without  an  escort,  and  so  ran  a 
light  battery  down  from  Vicksburg  and  planted  it  at  the 
point  indicated  by  Col.  Peck,  with  a  view,  no  doubt,  of  sink 
ing  the  transport  on  her  return.  But  for  the  darkness  of 
the  night,  and  the  fact  that  the  lights  were  extinguished  as 
soon  as  the  firing  began,  the  "  Ceres  "  would  probably  have 
been  totally  destroyed,  and  all  on  board  would  have  been 
killed  or  lost.  Capt.  Brooks  was  an  efficient  and  popular 
officer,  and  his  loss  was  severely  felt.  He  was  buried  with 
military  honors  at  Baton  Eouge  on  the  return  of  the  regi- 


34       SENDING  SICK   TO   BATON   ROUGE — CAPT.   KILBURN. 

ment  to  that  place,  and  subsequently  his  body  was  removed 
to  his  native  place.  The  next  day  after  this  sad  occurrence 
the  entire  command  embarked  upon  the  transports,  and 
accompanied  by  the  whole  fleet  proceeded  down  the  river  to 
Baton  Rouge. 

^  A  few  days  before,  a  portion  of  the  sick  had  been  placed 
on  board  the  steamer  "  Morning  Light,"  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  John  B.  Kilburn  of  Company  D,  who  furnishes  me 
with  the  following  statement : 

"  Some  four  days  previous  to  the  abandonment  of  Vicks- 
"  burg,  I  was  detailed  to  take  the  sick  of  our  regiment  to 
"  Baton  Kouge.  On  my  going  aboard  the  "Morning  Light" 
"  I  found  the  sick  were  being  removed  from  where  the  upper 
"  fleet  lay  to  the  boat.  The  day  was  consumed  in  getting 
"  the  sick  and  necessary  subsistence  on  board.  I  was  di- 
"  rected  to  proceed  down  the  river  without  a  convoy  or  even 
"  a  hospital  flag.  On  reporting  my  readiness  to  leave,  how- 
"  ever,  I  was  instructed  to  wait  further  orders.  We  were 
"  detained  three  days,  and  much  suffering  ensued,  many  of 
"  the  men  dying.  Just  before  the  expedition  started  on  its 
"  return  a  gunboat  was  assigned  to  act  as  my  escort,  and 
"  I  was  directed  to  keep  far  enough  ahead  of  the  fleet  so 
"  that  the  sick  would  not  be  disturbed  by  the  guns,  and  not 
"  to  use  our  cannon  except  for  protection.  There  were  three 
"  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  sick  from  our  regiment,  and  a  few 
"  from  other  regiments  on  board.  Every  available  place  on 
"  the  boat  was  occupied.  The  weather  was  intensely  hot, 
"  and  much  discomfort  and  suffering  was  experienced  from 
41  the  crowded  condition  of  the  vessel.  We  left  Vicksburg 


HOSPITAL  BOAT — AND   ITS  ARRIVAL    AT    BATON    ROUGE.     35 

"  on  the  morning  of  the  24th,  and  I  ordered  the  officers  of 
."  the  boat  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  speed  consistent  with 
"  safety.  Ahout  eleven  o'clock  p.  M.  I  retired,  but  was  soon 
"  aroused  by  the  scraping  of  the  keel  and  the  stoppage  of 
"  the  ship.  On  reaching  the  deck  I  found  both  the  "  Morn- 
"  ing  Light"  and  our  convoy  were  fast  aground.  This  was 
"  about  one  o'clock  A.  M.  We  worked  all  night  trying  to 
"  get  afloat,  but  without  success.  In  the  meantime  two  of 
"  our  men  died,  and  we  dug  a  trench  on  the  shore,  burying 
"  them  in  their  blankets.  About  ten  o'clock  in  the  fore- 
"  noon  we  were  overtaken  by  the  advance  vessels  of  the  fleet, 
"  and  with  their  assistance  were  dragged  out  of  the  mud  and 
"  proceeded  on  our  journey.  Dr.  Blanchard  was  on  board, 
"  but  was  not  able  to  do  much  for  the  sick,  as  he  had  no 
"  medicines.  We  reached  Baton  Kouge  that  evening,  and 
"  took  possession  of  a  hotel  as  a  temporary  hospital,  and 
"  began  at  once  to  remove  the  men.  We  succeeded  in  get- 
'•  ting  them  ashore  during  the  night,  but  six  died  in  the  re- 
"  moval.  As  to  the  boat  running  aground  there  was  but  one 
"  way  of  accounting  for  it,  and  that  was  that  we  had  a  rebel 
"  for  a  pilot." 

Dr.  Blanchard,  whose  attention  to  the  sick  had.  been  un 
remitting,  was  finally  obliged  to  succumb  to  the  malarial 
trouble  from  which,  for  some  time,  he  had  been  suffering,  and 
which  was  greatly  aggravated  by  the  anxiety  and  responsi 
bility  which  had  devolved  upon  him.  Fortunately,  under 
the  judicious  and  careful  treatment  which  he  received  he  was 
soon  restored  to  duty,  and  afterwards  rendered  most  excellent 
and  efficient  service  in  the  line  of  his  profession. 


36  RETURN  TO  BATON  ROUGE. 

The  main  body  of  the  expedition  left  Vicksburg  on  the 
evening  of  the  24th,  our  regiment  forming  the  rear  guard. 
We  reached  Baton  Eouge  without  important  incidents  on  the 
26th  of  July,  and  thus  ended,  after  the  sacrifice  of  many 
valuable  lives,  an  expedition  which,  had  the  advice  of  military 
men  of  experience  been  followed,  would  never  have  been  un 
dertaken. 


CHAPTER  III. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  REGIMENT — DEATH  OF  LIEUT.  CULL- 
BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — DEATH  OF  COL.  EGBERTS — 
RETURN  TO  CARROLTON— CHANGES  AND  PROMOTIONS. 


1BB2, 

our  return  to  Baton  Rouge  the  regiment  was  in  a  de- 
plorable  condition.  Just  thirty-six  days  before  we  had 
set  forth  from  that  rendezvous  nearly  eight  hundred  strong, 
buoyant  with  hope  and  eager  for  active  service.  In  that 
short  space  of  time,  disease  and  death  had  so  reduced  our 
ranks  as  to  leave  us  with  less  than  one  hundred  enlisted  men 
fit  for  duty.  At  a  review  which  occurred  a  few  days  before 
the  battle,  two  or  three  companies  of  our  regiment  were  not 
represented,  their  services  being  required  to  bury  the  dead. 
Among  those  who  fell  a  victim  to  disease,  occasioned  by  our 
terrible  exposure,  was  Lieut.  Richard  T,  Cull  of  Company  E, 
a  most  faithful  officer.  He  died  at  Baton  Eouge,  and  was 
buried  there  with  military  honors.  Some  days  before  the 
engagement  we  were  joined  by  Capt.  Porter  with  his  company, 
and  the  men  of  D  Company  who  had  been  left  to  garrison 
Fort  Pike,  numbering,  in  all,  about  one  hundred  men. 


38      BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — PRELIMINARIES. 

The  battle  of  Baton  Rouge  was  fought  on  the  5th  of 
August.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  I  was  detailed  as  field 
officer  of  the  day.  I  was  not  relieved  from  duty  until  the 
evening  of  the  5th,  and  therefore  was  not  with  the  regiment 
during  the  fight,  and  saw  it  but  once  during  the  progress  of 
the  action.  Hence,  in  narrating  the  part  which  the  regi 
ment  took  in  this  battle,  I  am  obliged  to  base  my  statements 
upon  reports  of  those  who  participated  in,  and  who  were 
eye  witnesses  of,  its  movements  during  the  day,  and  from 
such  other  materials  and  data  as  I  gathered  at  the  time  and 
afterwards  verified. 

As  the  action  was  opened  under  my  own  observation  I  de 
sire  for  the  purpose  of  illustration  briefly  to  refer  to  my 
personal  experience  prior  to,  and  during  the  early  part  of  the 
engagement. 

On  reporting  to  Gen.  Williams  on  the  morning  of  the  4th, 
I  was  instructed  to  carefully  inspect  the  picket  line  and  out 
posts  as  he  was  in  receipt  of  information  which  led  him  to 
expect  an  attack  from  Gen.  Breckenridge's  army,  which  for 
several  days  had  been  hovering  in  our  immediate  front.  Our 
picket  line  was  a  good  deal  extended,  and  formed  almost  a 
semi-circle,  and  in  executimg  my  orders  I  was  engaged  the 
better  part  of  the  day. 

About  dusk  on  the  evening  of  the  4th  I  was  apprised,  by 
Gen.  Williams,  that  his  scouts  had  brought  him  intelligence 
which  strongly  indicated  that  the  long  looked  for  attack 
would  take  place  either  that  night  or  in  the  early  morning, 
and  I  was  charged  to  direct  our  outposts  and  pickets  to  be 
especially  vigilant,  and  to  take  every  possible  precaution 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — COMMENCEMENT.      39 

against  a  surprise.  I  accordingly  started  at  once  to  make  a 
second  tour  of  inspection,  accompanied  by  Lieut.  Charles 
Clark  of  our  regiment  and  a  mounted  orderly.  The  night 
was  intensely  black,  and  the  fog  so  dense  as  to  greatly  im 
pede  our  progress.  It  was  nearly  two  o'clock  A.  M.  before 
we  completed  the  rounds.  Everything  at  that  time  being 
quiet,  Lieut.  Clark  returned  to  his  quarters.  I  had  dis 
mounted  and  was  engaged  in  getting  some  refreshments, 
preparatory  to  making  another  tour,  when  a  few  straggling 
shots  were  fired  from  a  direction  immediately  in  front  of  our 
regiment.  I  hurried  to  the  spot  with  my  orderly,  but  in  the 
darkness  and  fog  rode  through  and  beyond  our  line  until  I 
encountered  the  rebel  skirmishers,  who,  after  sharply  calling 
a  halt,  fired  a  volley,  by  means  of  which  I  discovered  my 
mistake  and  at  once  retraced  my  steps  ;  but  on  approaching 
our  line,  being  mistaken  for  the  enemy,  our  men  opened  fire, 
and  for  a  short  time  we  were  exposed  to  the  bullets  of  both 
friend  and  foe.  Fortunately  the  fog  was  so  thick  that  our 
exact  position  could  not  be  distinguished,  and  we  thereby 
escaped  any  serious  consequences. 

I  had  scarcely  time  to  deploy  my  skirmishers  before  a 
furious  onset  was  made  upon  our  position  on  the  Greenwell 
Spring  road,  and  about  the  same  time  another  assault  followed 
on  the  Clinton  road  some  distance  to  the  left.  Our  men 
fought  well,  but  we  were  outnumbered,  and  gradually  driven 
from  one  stand  to  another,  until  at  last  we  were  obliged  to 
fall  back  upon  the  main  body  when  the  action  became  general. 

In  the  meantime  Gen.  Williams,  to  whom  I  had  previously 
communicated  the  situation  of  affairs,  rode  up  with  a  portion.. 


40      BATTLE  OF  BATON  EOUGE — COMMENCEMENT. 

of  his  staff.  He  seemed  to  have  no  particular  scheme  of 
defence  in  mind,  and  was  apparently  at  a  loss  what  instruc 
tions  to  give,  but  finding  that  the  picket  line  could  no  longer 
successfully  resist  the  enemy's  advance,  he  ordered  me  to 
proceed  to  the  line  further  on  the  right,  which,  at  that  time, 
had  not  been  driven  in,  and  to  superintend  operations  there, 
and  if  forced  back  to  the  supporting  columns  I  was  directed 
to  at  once  assume  command  of  the  pickets  on  the  flanks  rest 
ing  on  the  river,  which  latter  positions  I  was  instructed  to 
hold  at  all  hazards,  giving  timely  notice  of  any  serious  attack 
from  that  quarter.  The  General  was  extremely  apprehensive 
of  an  attack  on  our  left  flank  as  he  had  been  informed  that 
the  ram  "  Arkansas  "  was  to  descend  the  river  and  assail  us 
from  that  point  simultaneouly  with  the  assault  which  the 
rebel  army  was  to  make  in  our  front.  This  seems  to  have 
been  a  part  of  the  enemy's  plan,  but  happily  for  us,  it  failed, 
in  that  the  "  Arkansas  "  did  not  make  her  appearance  until 
the  next  day  when  finding  our  gun-boats  were  moving  for 
ward  to  encounter  her  she  was  grounded  and  destroyed  by 
her  own  commander. 

In  proceeding  to  the  picket  line  on  the  right  I  passed  our 
regiment  which  at  that  time  was  in  line  of  battle  in  front  of  its 
camp.  I  stopped  for  a  moment  to  give  Col.  Roberts  the 
point  of  attack,  whom  I  found  had  received  no  specific  in 
structions  as  to  what  he  was  to  do,  and  while  we  were  con 
versing  a  spent  shot  from  one  of  the  rebel  batteries  ploughed 
up  the  earth  near  us,  glanced  over  our  heads  and  struck  one 
of  the  men  of  D  Company  knocking  him  down  and  causing 
serious  injury.  I  saw  nothing  more  of  the  regiment  until 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  EOUGE — CONDITION  OF  REGIMENT.  41 

the  engagement  was  over.  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam,  in  the  letter 
to  which  I  have  adverted,  thus  refers  to  the  condition  of  the 
regiment,  and  to  the  state  of  affairs  before  and  on  the  day  of 
the  battle.  "  *  *  *  The  day  before  the  fight  our 
"  morning  report  showed  18  officers  and  293  enlisted  men — 
"  311  in  all — for  duty.  Of  this  number,  1  officer  and  42 
"  enlisted  men  were  on  guard  duty,  leaving  268  to  engage 
"  in  the  battle.  *  *  *  There  were  nearly  300  sick  in 
"  camp,  many  of  whom  and  several  from  hospital,  although 
"  unfit  for  duty,  joined  our  ranks  during  the  action,  prefer- 
"  ring  to  share  the  dangers  of  their  comrades  to  remaining 
"  in  security  and  inactivity.  *  *  *  Out  of  the  118  days 
"  since  our  arrival  at  Ship  Island  we  had  not  been  able  to 
V  drill  as  a  battallion  more  than  thirty  times,  and  never  to 
"  any  effect  since  May  14th.  *  *  *  From  the  occupa- 
"  tion  of  Baton  Rouge,  about  the  middle  of  May,  up  to  the  time 
"  of  the  battle,  although  it  was  well  understood  that  our 
"  troops  were  liable  to  attack,  the  earth  had  not  been  broken, 
"  nor  had  a  single  tree  been  felled  to  prepare  defences,  and 
"  we  found  ourselves  on  the  day  of  the  engagement  weakened 
"  by  disease,  and  almost  in  a  state  of  disorganization,  in  a 
"  position  in  which  our  gun-boats  could  not  aid  us,  and  with- 
"  out  so  much  as  a  rifle  pit  to  obstruct  the  enemy  who 
"greatly  outnumbered  us.  *  *  *  Gen.  Williams 
"  directed  that  in  case  of  attack  the  regiment  should  be 
"  formed  in  front  of  the  camp  and  wait  orders,  but  if  there 
"  should  be  sharp  firing  in  any  direction,  Col.  Roberts  might, 
"  if  he  thought  best,  move  to  such  spot.  There  was  no  posi- 
"  tion  assigned  us  other  than  this,  nor  did  I  ever  learn  that 


42   BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — NO  PLAN  OF  DEFENSE. 

"  any  of  the  regiments  were  better  informed  in  relation  to 
11  their  duties."* 

While  the  regiment  was  waiting  for  definite  orders,  the 
firing  became  very  heavy  on  the  left,  at  a  point  which,  in  my 
conversation  with  Col.  Roberts,  I  had  indicated  as  one  from 
which  I  thought  an  attack  would  be  made.  Col.  Roberts,  in 
accordance  with  the  general  nature  of  his  instructions,  very 


*As  pointed  out  by  Col.  Fullam,  not  a  step  was  taken  from  the  time  we  occupied 
Baton  Rouge,  early  in  May,  toward  the  erection  of  any  kind  of  fortifications  to  repel 
an  attack,  notwithstanding  the  post  was  constantly  threatened  by  the  rebels  ;  and  it 
was  not  until  after  the  battle  that  intrenchments  were  thrown  up.  General  Williams, 
although  a  brave  and  gallant  officer,  seemed  to  think  it  wholly  unnecessary  to  make 
any  preparations  for  defence,  preferring  to  rely  upon  such  fortuitous  plans  as  should 
occur  to  him  in  the  heat  of  action.  Even  on  the  eve  of  the  engagement  no  proper  or 
definite  disposition  of  his  troops  had  been  made,  and  but  few,  if  any,  of  the  regimen 
tal  commanders  at  the  front  knew  what  they  were  to  do,  or  what  positions  they  were 
to  maintain.  It  is  true  the  general  tenor  of  their  instructions  were  to  form  in  front  of 
their  respective  camps  and  wait  orders  ;  but  they  were  also  enjoined,  if  the  firing  was 
heavy  at  any  other  given  point,  to  move  thither.  Of  course,  under  such  directions, 
with  a  dense  fog  prevailing  and  sharp  firing  going  on  at  an  opposite  or  different  quir- 
ter,  it  was  difficult  to  decide  what  to  do.  Whether  to  move  or  not  was  a  question 
which  necessarily  occasioned  much  perplexity,  especially  as  the  position  of  many  of 
the  regiments  was  unknown,  and  could  only  be  determined  in  a  conjectural  way.  The 
result  was  that  more  or  less  confusion  prevailed.  Our  own  troops  frequently  fired  into 
each  other,  as  was  the  case  when  the  4th  Mass.  Battery  fired  at  the  Seventh,  mistaking 
it  for  the  enemy,  and  as  also  happened  when  the  Indiana  regiment  ran  under  the  fire 
of  the  Seventh,  which  was  directed,  as  was  supposed,  toward  the  rebels.  Other  of  our 
regiments  had  a  similar  experience,  and  the  Indian<ans,  therefore,  were  not  the  only 
ones  who  suffered  from  the  lack  of  an  orderly  and  perfected  plan  of  general  operations. 
Indeed,  during  the  early  part  of  the  engagement  there  was  not  the  slightest  pretense 
to  either  concert  or  unity  "of  action.  Each  regimental  commander  was  given  dis 
cretionary  power  to  do  as  he  pleased,  and  was  left  to  fight  wherever  in  his  indi 
vidual  judgment  he  could  do  the  most  good.  The  consequence  was  that  many 
of  the  regiments  were  continually  changing  positions  and  scurrying  about  hither 
and  thither  all  over  the  field,  rendering  it  impossible  to  avoid  mistakes,  and  the 
only  wonder  is  that  more  serious  blunders  were  not  committed.  While  much 
of  the  disorder  which  ensued  was  due  to  the  heavy  fog,  yet  it  would  hardly  have 
been  possible,  even  with  such  an  element  to  obscure  the  vision,  that  so  much  con 
fusion  should  have  prevailed,  had  proper  precautions  been  taken  in  the  first  instance. 
1  have  been  told  by  an  officer  of  high  rank,  who  knew  Gen.  Williams  well,  that 
he  was  courageous,  but  constitutionally  rash  and  impulsive,  and  was  far  more  apt 
to  rush  into  action  without  any  preconceived  plan  as  to  what  he  would  do,  than  he  was 
to  block-out  in  advance  a  wise  and  judicious  scheme  of  attack.  While  this  "  press- 
where-you-see-my-white-plume-wave  "  style  is  sometimes  effective  in  the  hurly-burly 
of  an  assault,  it  is  rarely  ever  the  part  of  wisdom  to  resort  to  it  in  defending  a  city, 
and  certainly  in  this  instance  it  was  wholly  unjustifiable.  It  was  entirely  practicable 
to  have  thrown  up  earthworks  and  to  have  so  disposed  of  the  troops  as  to  have 
accomplished  harmony  of  action  instead  of  bringing  about  confusion  and  disorder. 
Had  this  been  done  we  should  have  inflicted  much  greater  damage  to  the  enemy  with 
far  less  loss  to  ourselves. 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — FOG  AND  SMOKE.     43 

properly  moved  the  regiment  in  that  direction,  and  took  up 
a  position  where  he  supposed  the  regiment  would  be  able  to 
render  effective  service.  At  this  time  the  fog  and  smoke  was 
so  thick  that  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  distinguish  friend 
from  foe.  Col.  Fullam,  who  had  gone  forward  to  reconnoiter, 
and  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the  position  of  the  21st  Indiana, 
was  unable  to  locate  it  with  certainty,  and  could  only  learn 
that  it  had  moved  further  to  the  right.  About  this  time 
some  of  Manning's  guns  went  into  battery  in  rear  of  the  regi 
ment  and  opened  an  indiscriminate  fire  which  greatly  en 
dangered  its  position.  A  round  shot,  followed  by  a  shell, 
struck  the  ground  between  Lieut.  Jackson  V.  Parker  and 
Sergeant-Major  George  Brown,  covering  both  of  them  with 
dirt ;  thereupon  Col.  Fullam  was  sent  to  the  officer  in  charge 
of  these  pieces  to  acquaint  him  with  the  position  of  our  regi 
ment.  Finding  the  men  were  so  exposed  as  to  be  subjected 
to  a  heavier  fire  from  our  own  troops  behind,  than  from  the 
enemy  in  front,  Col.  Roberts  moved  the  regiment  back  to  its 
original  position  in  front  of  the  camp.  Col.  Fullam  says:  * 
*  *  "  As  soon  as  I  had  executed  this  order  (referring  to  his 
"  instructions  to  go  back  to  the  officer  in  charge  of  the  guns) 
"  I  attempted  to  rejoin  the  regiment.  On  the  way  I  met  and 
11  caught  the  horse  of  Col.  Eoberts,  and  was  leading  him  up 
"  the  road  when  I  was  assailed  by  a  shower  of  bullets.  The 
11  Colonel's  horse  was  frightened  and  broke  away  from  me, 
"  while  my  own  was  seriously  wounded;  and,  judging  it  im- 
"  possible  to  reach  the  regiment  by  that  route,  I  took  another 
"  and  came  in  through  the  right  of  our  camp.  *  *  * 
"  From  this  time  I  was  constantly  with,  and  in  command  of 


44  BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE FALL  OF  COL.  ROBERTS. 

"  the  regiment,  and  during  the  day,  while  exposed  to  the 
"  enemy's  fire,  we  several  times  changed  positions  without 
"  disorder  in  any  case." 

During  the  absence  01  Col.  Fullam,  our  heroic  and  ever- 
to-be-lamented  Colonel  was  borne  from  the  field,  in  the  thick 
est  of  the  fight,  mortally  wounded. 

"  Right  in  the  van, 

"       he  fell 

"  Foeward.  as  fits  a  man." 

When  the  regiment  resumed  its  original  position  the  ac 
tion  was  raging  with  great  fury  directly  in  front  of  our  camp 
and  that  of  the  21st  Indiana.  Owing  to  the  fog,  which  had 
not  yet  lifted,  and  to  the  smoke  which  was  constantly  increas 
ing,  objects  could  not  be  distinguished  ten  yards  ahead. 
Although  the  regiment  was  under  a  terrible  fire,  Col.  Roberts 
wisely  hesitated  to  give  the  order  to  commence  firing  as  he 
was  apprehensive  that  the  Indiana  regiment  might  be  in  his 
front.  At  this  moment  Gen.  Williams  rode  up  and  peremp 
torily,  and  in  an  excited,  and  somewhat  brusque,  manner,  in 
structed  him  to  open  fire.  The  Colonel  was,  of  course, 
obliged  to  give  the  order,  but  did  so  very  reluctantly. 

Before  many  vollies  had  been  discharged,  an  officer  appeared 
and  exclaimed  that  the  fire  of  the  Seventh  was  affecting  the 
Indianians.  The  Colonel  promptly  gave  the  order  to  cease 
firing.  This  was  his  last  command,  for  he  immediately  fell 
from  a  severe  wound  in  the  neck.  While  being  carried  to 
the  rear  he  was  again  hit  in  the  thigh  by  a  Minie  ball.  Dr. 
Blanchard  soon  reached  the  spot  to  which  the  Colonel  had 
been  removed,  and  gave  him  all  the  medical  aid  possible. 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — DEATH  OF  COL.  ROBERTS.  45 

Having  no  ambulance,  a  one-horse  cart  or  dray  was  obtained, 
in  which  uncomfortable  conveyance,  on  a  thin  litter  of  hay,  he 
was  taken  to  the  hospital.  I  met  him  on  the  way,  as  I  was 
returning  from  the  picket  line  on  the  right  flank.  He  was 
cheerful  and  bright,  although  seemingly  suffering  some  pain. 

I  expressed  much  sorrow  that  he,  of  all  others,  should  have 
been   stricken.     He   replied   that   he   did  not  consider  his 
wounds  serious,  and  hoped  soon  to  be  on  duty  again.     The 
wound  in  the  thigh  proved  fatal,  the  ball  having  glanced  up 
wards,  penetrating  the  vital  organs.     Two  days  afterwards 
he  quietly,  and  apparently  painlessly,  passed  from  among  the 
living. 

On  the  fall  of  Col.  Roberts  the  regiment  was  temporarily 
left  without  a  field  officer,  and  until  the  return  of  Col.  Fullam 
the  command  devolved  upon  Capt.  (afterward  Major  and 
Colonel)  Porter,  who  displayed  great  coolness  and  courage, 
and  whose  conduct  was  highly  praiseworthy,  and  far  more 
deserving  of  credit  and  notice  in  General  Orders  than  that 
of  some  others  whom  Gen.  Butler  saw  fit  to  eulogize.  From 
this  time  on,  and  until  the  close  of  the  action,  the  regiment 
bore  its  full  part  of  the  brunt  of  it.  Col.  N.  A.  M.  Dudley, 
who  commanded  the  right  wing,  which  embraced  our  regi 
ment,  in  his  official  report  among  other  things  says :  *  *  * 
"  It  cannot  be  expected  that  I  should  mention  the  brave 

II  exploits  of  persons,  or  even  regiments,  particularly  when 
"  all  did  so  well.     On  no  occasion  did  I  see  a  single  regiment 
"  misbehave,  all  seemed  to  act  with  a  coolness  and  determin- 
"  ation  that  surprised  even  ourselves  after  the  excitement 
"was  over.        *      *      *      Under   a  close  and   severe  fire 


46  BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — COMPLIMENTARY  REPORTS. 

."  Mannings  Battery  was  compelled  to  fall  back,  which  it  did 
11  with  considerable  confusion,  leaving  behind  one  piece  and 
"  a  caisson.  *  *  *  *  Capt.  Manning  quickly  rallied 
"  his  men,  and  went  into  battery  on  the  right  of  the  Indiana 
."  21st,  well  supported  on  the  right  by  the  Vermont  7th7 
"  Lieut. -Col.  Fullam  (Col.  Roberts  having  been  mortally 
"  wounded).  *  *  *  *  In  the  meantime  the  enemy 
"  appeared  in  strong  force  directly  in  front  of  the  Indiana 
"  21st,  Vermont  7th,  and  Massachusetts  30th.  At  one  time 
11  these  three  brave  regiments  stood  face  to  face  with  the  enemy, 
11  within  forty  yards,  for  full  one  hour.  The  contest  for  this 
"  piece  of  ground  was  terrific.11 

Col.  Cahill,  9th  Connecticut,  who  succeeded  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  entire  force,  on  the  death  of  Genl.  Williams,  in 
his  official  report  to  Genl.  Butler  among  other  things  said : 

*.**«.«  The  officers  commanding  regiments  and 
"  corps  may  well  say  for  themselves  that  more  undaunted 
"  bravery,  coolness  and  skill  in  the  handling  of  their  com- 
"  mands  has  not  been  displayed  on  any  battle  field  than  that 
"  of  Baton  Rouge.  *  *  *  Colonel  Roberts  of  the  7th 
"  Vermont  fell  mortally  wounded  and  has  since  died.  He 
"  was  a  gentleman  of  a  generous  nature  and  of  a  cultured 
"  mind." 

Gen.  Weitzel,  chief  of  staff  to  Gen.  Butler,  being  sent  to 
Baton  Rouge  after  the  battle  to  ascertain  the  condition  of 
affairs  reported  to  Gen.  Butler  in  substance.  *  *  * 
"  That  his  troops  had  won  a  glorious  victory.  That  one-half 
"  of  the  men  who  left  the  hospitals  to  fight  could  not  march 
"  over  a  mile.  That  their  conduct  was  magnificent  as  well  as 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — COMPLIMENTARY  REPORTS.     47 

"  that  of  all  our  officers  and  soldiers.  That  the  attack  was 
"  undoubtedly  made  upon  the  strength  of  representations  of 
"  rebels  within  our  lines  that  our  troops  were  all  sick  and 
"  demoralized." 

Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  speaking  of  some  of  the  incidents  of  the 
engagement  among  other  things  says.  *  *  *  "I  sent  a 
"  sergeant  and  twenty-nine  men  at  the  request  of  an  officer 
"  of  Manning's  Battery  to  bring  off  a  caisson.  *  *  * 
"Several  men -were  wounded.  One  corporal  of  the  color 
"  guard  lost  an  arm.  Our  national  flag,  (we  not  being 
"  allowed  to  take  the  State  flag  into  action)  was  borne  by 
"  Color-Sergeant  Parkhurst  from  the  time  the  line  was 
"  first  formed  in  the  grey  light  of  the  morning  until  after  the 
1  fight  was  ended,  and  most  gallantly  did  he  bear  it,  his  tall 
"  form  nobly  erect  amid  the  smoke  and  blaze  of  battle  while 
"  the  troops  and  even  the  color  guard,  were,  a  portion  of  the 
"  time,  made  to  lie  flat  upon  the  ground  to  escape  the  deadly 
"  fire  of  the  enemy.  He  did  not  flinch  or  falter  and  dis- 
"  charged  his  duty  faithfully  to  the  end." 

Lieut.  E.  V.  N.  Hitchcock,  of  Company  C,  who  at  the  time 
of  the  fight  was  serving  on  the  staff'  of  Gen.  Phelps,  in  a 
letter  published  in  the  Kutland  Herald,  gives  an  account  of 
the  action,  which  is  in  the  main  correct,  and  notwithstanding 
he  refers  to  me  in  highly  flattering  terms  I  am  led  to  make 
the  following  extracts  for  the  reason  that  Gen.  Butler  in  his 
order  No.  62  (which  will  hereafter  be  adverted  to)  sought  to 
convey  the  impression  that  none  of  the  officers  or  men  of  the 
Seventh  were  much  more  than  casually  engaged  in  the  fight, 
and  that  none  of  them  were  entitled  to  any  credit.  *  *  *  * 


48  BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — COMPLIMENTARY  REPORTS. 

"  Soon  after  the  battle  I  was  directed  by  Gen.  Phelps  to  pro- 
"  ceed  to  Baton  Eouge     *     *     *     to  ascertain  the  condition 
"  of  matters.     Executing    this  commission,  I   was   able   to 
"  obtain  a  very  full  understanding  of  the  whole  affair.     I 
"  went  over  the  field  of  battle  many  times,  and  with  many 
"  officers,  each  describing  to  me  the  operations  on  those  parts 
"  of  the  field  where  he  himself  was.     *     *     *     Not  only 
"  from  the  many  careful  descriptions  given  me   on  the  field 
"  but  from  conversations  with  all  grades,  and  of  all  corps 
11  engaged,  I  take  such  facts  as  are  surely  attested. 
"  Col.  Eoberts  had  received  instructions  from  Gen.  Williams 
"  to  go  where  the  enemy  pressed  hardest.     He  took  the  ex- 
"  treme  left,  but  subsequently  moved  back  to  his  original 
"  position  which  had  now  become  the  hottest  part  of  the  field. 
"  The  enemy  were  pressing  vigorously  and  the  tents  of  the 
"  Seventh  were  riddled  with  bullets  and  grape.    Col.  Eoberts 
"  here   fell.     *     *     *     'Twas  now  that    twenty-one    brave 
"  men  felt  the  rebel  lead.     *     *     *     All  this  happened  in  a 
"  few  moments.     Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  had  not  yet  returned 
"  from   what  proved  a  rather  adventurous  reconnoissance. 
"  The  command  devolved  on  Capt.  Porter,  who  moved  the 
"  regiment  back  the  width  of  the  camp  were  the  line  was  formed 
"  on^he  new  base  already  taken  by  other  corps. 
"  After  this  retrograde  movement,  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  assumed 
"  command.     *    *    *     Color-Sergeant    Parkhurst   held   the 
"  colors  firmly.     His  giant  form  stood  firm  as  a  rock  amidst 
"  the  iron  hail,  even  when  the  regiment  was  ordered  to  he 
"  down.     He   ever   kept   the   colors  in  their  place,  and   a 
"prouder  place  to  stand  I  know  not  than  near  that  color 


BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE — COMPLIMENTARY  REPORTS.  49 

"  guard.  *  *  *  *  Capt.  Peck,  and  many  other  officers 
"  and  privates,  left  the  hospital  to  fight.  I  could  tell  of  the 
41  many  expressions  of  admiration  for  Col.  Roberts'  cool  self- 
"  possession,  and  of  the  many  soldier  hearts  who  mourn,  as 
41  only  soldiers  mourn  who  see  their  leader  fall.  Lieut.-Col. 
41  Fullam  showed  himself  to  be  as  cool  and  collected  in  battle 
41  as  anywhere.  A  volley  discharged  for  his  sole  benefit 
"  wounded  his  horse,  but  he  miraculously  escaped.  Major 
41  Holbrook  held  nearly  the  most  important  position  of  the 
41  day.  He  had  command  of  the  guards  and  outposts.  Prob- 
41  ably  no  officer  was  so  actively  and  constantly  engaged. 
''  Flying  from  picket  to  picket,  keeping  the  enemy's  advance 
"  in  check,  conveying  information  of  the  direction,  nearness 
"  and  even  strength,  of  the  enemy's  different  columns.  The 
4t  great  task  of  doing  everything  but  actually  leading  on  our 
41  men,  belonged  to  the  field  officer  of  the  day,  and  right 
4{  nobly  did  he  do  it.  It  is  a  wonder  that  he  was  not  taken 
"  off  by  sharp-shooters,  and  that  the  storm  of  shot  avoided 
41  him.  I  know  of  nothing  but  the  faithful  performance  of 
41  duty  by  all  the  officers  of  the  line.  I  have  heard  men  of 
"  Company  C  express  their  highest  admiration  of  Capt.  Por- 
41  ter's  bravery,  and  of  that  of  Lieut.  Dickinson.  I  could 
"  mention  many  names  of  men  who  showed  themselves  deserv- 
41  ing  of  commissions,  but  I  intended  this  account  to  be  brief. 
'  The  surgeons,  Drs.  Kelley,  Blanchard  and  Green,  had  a 
41  severe  trial,  not  more  of  skill  than  of  endurance,  and  all  give 
4{  them  honor." 

In  addition  to  these  statements,  I  know  that  many  officers 
and  men  left  their  sick  beds  and  made  every  endeavor  to 


50  BATTLE  OF  BATON  ROUGE DEATH  OF  JACK  RUSSELL. 

join  the  regiment.  Capt,  Peck,  who  was  seriously  ill,  made 
great  efforts  to  get  to  his  company,  but  was  too  weak  to  reach 
it  in  time  to  take  part  in  the  action. 

Among  others  killed  was  my  faithful  attendant  Jack  Rus 
sell.  He  was  a  bright,  intelligent  lad  from  Bellows'  Falls- 
who  accompanied  me  on  the  departure  of  the  regiment  from 
the  State.  Being  too  young  to  enlist,  but  wishing  "  to  go  to 
the  war  "  I  accepted  his  services  as  my  personal  attendant. 
On  the  morning  of  the  engagement  he  made  an  effort  to  join 
me,  and  knowing  I  was  on  the  picket  line  he  made  his  way 
thither  under  a  very  heavy  fire  with  an  additional  revolver 
which  he  thought  I  might  need.  His  body,  pierced  with 
balls,  was  found  the  next  day  at  the  extreme  front  surrounded 
by  the  dead  of  both  sides  and  a  broken  musket  lying  near 
him.  The  intrepid  boy  was  drawn  into  the  thickest  of  the 
fray  and  nobly  sacrificed  his  life  in  his  endeavor  to  render 
me  a  personal  service. 

"  The  broken  gun  beside  him  all  his  life's 

Short  story  told  ! 

How  he  did  his  duty  bravely  till  the  death  tide 
O'er  him  rolled." 

The  report  of  Gen.  Weitzel  above  alluded  to  was  dated 
August  7th.  On  the  9th  the  following  order  was  promul 
gated  by  Gen.  Butler,  which  although  addressed  to  the 
"  Soldiers  of  the  Army  of  the  Gulf"  was  evidently  meant  to 
be  specially  and  equally  applicable  to  the  several  regiments 
which  participated  in  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge  as  their 
conduct  was  the  theme  which  occasioned  the  issuance  of  this 
unique  and  bombastic  mandate. 


GES.  BUTLER'S  ORDER  NO.  57.  51_ 

"  HEADQUARTERS,   DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 
"NEW  ORLEANS,  August  gth,  1862. 

'  'General  Order  No.  57. 
**  Soldiers  of  tJie  Army  of  the  Gulf : 

"  Your  successes  have  heretofore  been  substantially  bloodless. 

"Taking  and  holding  the  most  important  strategic  and  commercial 
"positions  with  the  aid  of  the  gallant  navy,  by  the  wisdom  of  your 
"combinations  and  the  moral  power  of  your  arms,  it  has  been  left  for 
"  the  last  few  days  to  baptize  you  in  blood. 

"The  Spanish  conqueror  of  Mexico  won  imperishable  renown  by 
"  landing  in  that  country  and  burning  his  transport  ships  to  cut  off  all 
"hope  of  retreat.  You,  more  wise  and  economical,  but  with  equal 
"  providence  against  retreat,  sent  yours  home. 

"Organized  to  operate  on  the  sea  coast,  you  advanced  your  outposts 
"to  Baton  Rouge,  the  capital  of  Louisiana,  more  thai  two  hundred  and 
"  fifty  miles  into  the  interior. 

"Attacked  there  by  a  division  of  our  rebel  enemies,  under  com- 
"mand  of  a  Major-General,  recreant  to  loyal  Kentucky,  whom  some  of 
"us  would  have  honored  before  his  apostacy,  of  doubly  superior 
"numbers,  you  have  repulsed  in  the  open  field  his  myrmidons,  who- 
"took  advantage  of  your  sickness,  from  the  malaria  of  the  marshes  of 
"  Vicksburg,  to  make  a  cowardly  attack. 

"The  Brigade  at  Baton  Rouge  has  routed  the  enemy. 

"He  has  lost  three  Brigadier  Generals,  killed,  wounded  and  prison- 
"ers  ;  many  colonels  and  field  officers.  He  has  more  than  a  thousand 
"killed  and  wounded.  You  have  captured  three  pieces  of  artillery, 
"six  caissons,  two  stands  of  colors,  and  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  ' 

"  You  have  buried  his  dead  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  are  caring  for 
"  his  wounded.  You  have  convinced  him  that  you  are  never  so  sick  as 
"not  to  fight  your  enemy  if  he  desires  the  contest. 

"  You  have  shown  him  that  if  he  cannot  take  an  outpost  after  weeks 
"  of  preparation,  what  would  be  his  fate  with  the  main  body.  If  your 
^  General  should  say  he  was  proud  of  you,  it  would  only  be  to  praise 
"himself  ;  but  he  will  say  he  is  proud to  be  one  of  you. 

"  In  this  battle  the  northeast  and  northwest  mingled  their  blood  on 
"the  field— as  they  had  long  ago  joined  their  hearts— in  the  support  of 
"the  Union. 


52  NOTICES   OF   COL.    ROBERTS. 

"Michigan  stood  by  Maine,  Massachusetts  supported  Indiana, 
"Wisconsin  aided  Vermont,  while  Connecticut,  represented  bv  the  sons 
"of  the  ever  green  shamrock  fought  as  our  fathers  did  at  Boyne  Waters. 

"While  we  all  mourn  the  loss  of  many  brave  comrades,  we,  who 
"  were  absent,  envy  them  the  privilege  of  dying  upon  the  battle  field  for 
"our  country,  under  the  starry  folds  of  her  victorious  flag. 

"  The  colors  and  guidons  of  the  several  corps  engaged  in  the  con 
test  will  have  inscribed  on  them — '  Baton  Rouge.' 

"  To  complete  the  victory,  the  ironclad  steamer  Arkansas,  the  last 
"  hope  of  the  rebellion,  hardly  awaited  the  gallant  attack  of  the  Essex, 
"  but  followed  the  example  of  her  sisters,  the  Merrimac,  the  Manassas, 
"  the  Mississippi  and  the  Louisiana,  by  her  own  destruction." 

"  By  command  of 

MAJ.  GEN.  BUTLER. 
R.  S.   DAVIS,   Capt.  and  A.  A.  A.  G. 

The  following  article  was  published  in  the  New  Orleans 
Delta  about  this  time. 

*  *  *  « The  Seventh  Vermont  Regiment,  which  had 
"  just  returned  from  severe  service  at  Vicksburg  participated 
"  in  the  battle  of  Baton  Eouge.  It  is  sufficient  evidence  that 
"  they  were  at  their  post  discharging  faithfully  the  trust  re- 
"  posed  in  them,  that  their  gallant  Colonel,  George  T.  Koberts, 
"  fell  mortally  wounded  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  He  was 
"  a  true  patriot,  and  an  honorable,  high-minded  man.  He 
"  first  went  into  the  service  as  a  Lieutenant  in  Company  A 
"  of  the  First  Vermont  Volunteers.  When  the  Seventh  was 
"  called  for,  he  was  tendered  the  Colonelcy  and  in  every  par- 
"  ticular  has  proved  his  selection  a  good  one,  and  though 
"  dying  in  a  glorious  cause  his  loss  will  be  severely  felt  both 
"  by  his  regiment  and  his  many  friends  in  his  native  State 
"  where  he  was  so  well  and  so  favorably  known.  His  re- 


NOTICES   OF    COL.    EGBERTS.  53 

brought  to  this  city  on  Friday  whence  they 
"  will  be  sent  home,  there  to  sleep  the  honored  sleep  of  those 
"  who  die  fighting  for  the  maintenance  of  government  and 
"  law  against  treason  and  traitors." 

Col.  Koberts  died  on  the  7th  of  August,  two  days  after  the 
battle.  He  was  an  eminently  just  and  large-hearted  man  in 
the  truest  sense,  and  was  much  respected  and  beloved  by  all 
his  men.  To  me  personally,  his  death  was  a  great  affliction, 
and  to  the  regiment  his  loss  was  a  serious  calamity.  Ver 
mont  never  sent  forth  a  braver  or  more  chivalric  son  than 
George  T.  Roberts,  and  his  name  will  ever  gloriously  shine 
in  that  niche  wherein  is  kept  "  Memoria  in  ceterna  "  the  list 
of  her  gallant  dead  who  laid  down  their  lives  that  the  Union 
might  be  preserved. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  Rutland  Herald  indicate 
the  high  appreciation  entertained  for  Col.  Eoberts  by  his 
townsmen. 

"Our  community  was  shocked  and  grieved  by  the  sad 
"  intelligence  of  the"  death  of  Col.  Roberts.  *  *  *  It  is 
"  painful  to  think  that  this  noble  officer  was  cut  off  e'er  his 
"  career  of  usefulness  and  honor  had  fairly  commenced. 
"  Like  the  lamented  Ramsom  in  Mexico,  and  Baker  at  Ball's 
"  Bluff,  he  fell  with  his  face  to  the  foe  in  the  fearless  dis- 
"  charge  of  his  duty.  So  long  as  heroism  is  admired  and 
"  patriotism  loved,  will  green  garlands  of  affectionate  remem- 
"  brance  be  laid  upon  his  honored  grave." 

"  He  was  buried  at  Rutland  and  his  obsequies  were  attended 
"  by  a  large  number  of  citizens  from  that  and  the  adjoining 
"  towns,  numbering  from  one  to  two  thousand.  *  *  * 


54  BURIAL  OF  COL.  ROBERTS — TESTIMONIALS. 

"  The  Rutland  Light  Guards,  former  companions  in  arms  of 
"  the  Colonel,  were  present,  and  preceded  the  large  concourse 
"  of  citizens  who  followed  the  body  to  the  grave.  *  * 
"  Thus  was  performed  in  befitting  manner  the  last  sad  offices 
"  to  one  of  the  noblest  and  bravest  of  the  sons  of  Vermont. 
"  In  common  with  all  the  other  conspicuous  heroes,  who  have 
"  fallen  in  the  deadly  shock  of  battle,  he  will  live  in  memory 
"  so  long  as  lovers  of  liberty  shall  read  the  story  of  this 
"  great  conflict  for  freedom." 

In  addition  to  this  testimonial,  the  citizens  of  Rutland  at 
or  about  the  same  time  convened  in  town  meeting  unanimously 
adopted  the  following  resolutions : 

11  WHEREAS,  We,  the  citizens  of  Rutland  in  Town  Meeting 
"  assembled,  have  learned  with  the  deepest  sorrow  of  the 
"  death  of  Col.  George  T.  Roberts,  our  friend  and  fellow 
"  townsman,  while  gallantly  leading  his   regiment  in  the 
"  memorable  battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  therefore 
"  Resolved,  That  in  the  death  of  Colonel   Roberts,  Ver- 
"  mont  is  called  upon  to  mourn  one  of  her  best  and  bravest 
"  officers,  and  Rutland  one  of  her  most  loved  and  honored 
"  citizens. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  profound  sympathies  of  this  meeting 
"  are  tendered  to  the  mourning  relatives  of  the  deceased  in 
"  this  their  deep  affliction,  and  as  our  late  fellow  townsman 
"  has  given  all  he  had,  even  his  life,  for  us  and  for  his  coun- 
"  try,  we  give  to  his  memory  our  tears  and  a  grateful  and 
"  lasting  recollection  of  his  patriotism  and  gallantry." 

Col.  Roberts  was  a   Green  Mountain  boy  par   excellence. 


COL.  ROBERTS'  ANTECEDENTS.  55 

The  following  sketch  of  his  early  life  and  antecedents  has 
been  furnished  me  by  a  near  relative. 

"  George  T.  Koberts  was  born  in  the  town  of  Clarendon, 
"  Rutland  County,  Vermont,  October  3d,  1824.  He  be- 
"  longed  to  a  family  of  military  traditions  on  both  sides, 
"  being  the  third  son  of  the  late  Benjamin  Roberts  of  Man- 
"  Chester,  Vermont,  and  a  grandson  of  Gen.  Christopher 
"  Roberts  of  revolutionary  memory.  His  mother's  maiden 
"  name  was  Sophia  Hodges.  She  was  the  third  daughter  of 
"  Dr.  Silas  Hodges,  who  served  as  Surgeon  in  the  Conti- 
"  nental  Army,  and  who  was  for  some  time  in  the  military 
"  family  of  Gen.  Washington.  When  about  four  years  of 
"  age  his  parents  removed  to  Manchester  in  which  town  he 
"  spent  most  of  his  boyhood.  He  was  naturally  fond  of 
".study,  particularly  of  mathematics  and  astronomy,  and 
"  acquired  a  very  good  education  at  Burr  Seminary,  a  very 
"  popular  institution  of  learning  in  Bennington  County. 
"  Some  years  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion  he  was 
"  extensively  engaged  in  superintending  the  construction  of 
"  railroads  in  the  West,  and  at  the  time  of  entering  the  ser- 
"  vice  was  the  agent  and  manager  of  the  marble  quarries  at 
"  West  Rutland,  of  which  his  brother-in-law,  Gen.  H.  H. 
"  Baxter,  was  the  principal  owner.  In  1861,  he  was  a  Lieu- 
"  tenant  in  the  Rutland  Light  Guards,  which  was  one  of  the 
"  companies  of  the  First  Vermont  Regiment.  He  served 
"  with  that  regiment  in  the  field  until  its  term  of  service 
"  expired.  He  afterwards  took  an  active  part  in  recruiting 
"  the  First  Vermont  Regiment  of  cavalry,  and  was  offered  a 
"  position  in  that  regiment  which  he  declined.  When  the 


56  ABANDONMENT  OF  BATON  ROUGE. 

"  Seventh  was  organized  lie    was  offered  its  Colonelcy  by 
"  Governor  Holbrook,  which  office  he  accepted." 

And  right  well  did  he  discharge  the  duties  of  this  high 
trust,  as  all  of  those  who  served  with,  and  under,  him  can 
testify.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  respond  to  his  country's 
call,  and  in  the  defence  of  its  flag  gallantly  yielded  up  his  life. 

"  Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori." 

"We  remained  at  Baton  Rouge — daily  expecting  to  be  again 
attacked — until  the  20th  of  August,  when  the  Post  was 
evacuated  and  for  a  time  wholly  abandoned.  This  step  was 
taken,  as  we  understood,  because  of  the  paucity  of  our  force, 
and  for  the  reason  that  Gen.  Butler  felt  uneasy  about  New 
Orleans,  the  rebels  having  threatened  an  attack  upon  that 
city,  in  order  to  wreak  dire  vengeance  upon  him  for  his  arbi- 
tary  treatment  of  its  citizens.  This  was  the  merest  gasconade. 
Sufficient  importance  however,  was  attached  to  these  threats  to 
render  it  necessary,  in  his  judgment,  to  recall  us.  The  plan  of 
sending  so  small  a  force  to  open  communications  with  the  north 
west  was  not  wise  or  feasible,  at  the  time,  and  was  generally 
condemned  by  military  men.  Nevertheless  it  would  have  been 
possible  with  the  aid  of  the  negroes,  had  they  been  properly 
organized,  to  have  retained  our  position  at  Baton  Eouge  and 
other  points  further  up  the  river.  It  was  a  part  of  the 
scheme  suggested  by  Gen.  Phelps  in  arming  the  negroes  that 
they  might  be  formed  into  regiments  under  intelligent  and 
competent  officers,  and  forwarded  as  rapidly  as  possible  to 
the  more  important  strategic  points  along  the  river  for  gar 
rison  service.  Had  this  suggestion  been  promptly  acted  upon, 
with  such  an  auxiliary  force,  we  could  have  held  our  own  on 


ARMING   THE    NEGROES.  57 

the  river  at  all  salient  stations  below  Natchez.  But  just 
at  that  time  the  question  of  putting  muskets  into  the  hands 
of  the  blacks  was  a  mooted  one.  There  was  a  great  deal  of 
mawkish  sentimentality  on  the  subject  at  the  North  lest  such 
a  step  should  unnecessarily  exasperate  the  South.  Many  who 
then  halted  at  the  expediency  and  propriety  of  arming  and 
allowing  the  negroes  to  combat  our  common  foe,  soon  after 
wards  saw  the  folly  of  their  scruples  and  learned  that  colored 
men  were  susceptible,  under  proper  officers,  of  being  made  fit 
for  any  duty.  Gen.  Butler,  whether  because  of  political 
considerations  or  not  I  do  not  know,  did  not  act  with  that 
promptness  in  utilizing  the  blacks  which  the  exigencies  of 
the  service  required.  Had  he  put  arms  in  their  hands  and 
sent  them  forward  to  our  support,  instead  of  frittering  away 
his  time  in  an  unnecessary  epistolary  warfare  with  Gen. 
Phelps,  we  should  not  have  seen  the  fruits  of  our  three  months' 
toil  and  exposure  slipping  from  our  grasp  as  we  did  when 
directed  to  retrace  our  steps  to  New  Orleans. 

As  soon  as  Gen.  Butler  got  rid  of  Gen.  Phelps,  he  began 
forming  colored  regiments.  But  instead  of  seeking  to  pro 
mote  their  efficiency,  he  seemed,  rather,  to  aim  to  make 
them  as  of  little  service  as  possible.  For  instance,  there 
were  a  large  number  of  ex-pugilists  and  bullies  who 
found  their  way  to  New  Orleans  from  Boston  and  New  York, 
and  several  of  these  disreputable  characters  applied  for,  and 
received,  commissions  in  these  colored  regiments.  They 
were  wholly  unfit  to  be  entrusted  with  duties  so  responsible 
and  some  'of  them,  I  understand,  were  afterwards  cashiered 
or  dismissed  from  the  service.  After  evacuating  Baton  Rouge, 


58       CAMP    WILLIAMS — CHANGES    IN    FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

we  returned  to  Carrolton,  which  place  we  reached  on  the 
,21st,  and  with  other  troops  were  ordered  into  camp  near 
Metarie  Pxidge,  at  a  point  some  two  miles  inland  from  the 
river,  for  the  better  protection,  as  was  alleged,  of  the  City 
of  New  Orleans.  The  locality  selected  for  this  encamp 
ment  was  quite  as  unhealthy  as  that  which,  but  a  short  time 
before,  we  had  quitted  atVicksburg;  and  although  named 
Camp  "  Williams,"  in  honor  of  the  memory  of  our  late  com 
mander,  soon  became  known  as  the  Camp  of  Death  in  conse 
quence  of  the  great  mortality  which  prevailed  in  the  entire 
command  during  our  sojourn  there,  bat  more  especially  in 
those  regiments  that  had  participated  in  the  Vicksburg  and 
Baton  Rouge  campaign. 

About  this  time  several  important  changes  took  place 
in  the  regiment  among  the  officers  of  the  field  and 
staff. 

On  the  26th  of  August  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam  resigned.  I 
was  made  Colonel,  and  Captains  Peck  and  Porter  were  pro 
moted,  the  former  being  made  Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  the 
latter  Major  of  the  regiment. 

On  the  26th  of  August  our  faithful  and  efficient  Quarter 
master,  Capt.  E.  A.  Morse,  who,  up  to  that  time,  had  shared 
all  our  dangers  and  hardships,  also  resigned  to  accept  pro 
motion  to  the  office  of  Captain  and  Assistant  Quartermaster 
of  United  States  Volunteers,  and  subsequently,  and  until  the 
close  of  the  war,  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  the  dis 
charge  of  many  important  trusts  and  responsible  duties  ap 
pertaining  to  that  branch  of  the  service. 


CHANGES    IN    FIELD    AND    STAFF.  59 

On  the  8th  of  September  Surgeon  Francis  "W.  Kelley  also 
resigned,  and  Assistant  Surgeon  Enoch  Blan chard  was  pro 
moted  and  commissioned  as  Surgeon,  which  office  he  filled 
with  much  fidelity  and  ability  until  September  20th,  1865, 
when  he  was  honorably  discharged. 


CHAPTER  IY. 


GENERAL  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH. 


1BE2, 


[A  SKETCH.] 

DRI-RY'S  BLUFF.—     *        *        *     "  Beauresrard  attacked  Smith,      *        *        *     who, 
"although  obliged  to  fall  back,  succeeded  in  checking  the  rebel  onset. 
u  Butler  might  have  redeemed  the  day  had  he  moved  up  Gillmore,  whose  force  had  not 
"  fired  a  shot.      *        *        *     But  instead  of  this,     *        *  he  directed  the  whole 

u  line  to  fall  back  to  the  peninsula  of  Bermuda  Hundred,  across  the 

"  neck  of  which  a  strong  line  of  entrenchments  reached,  defending  him  against  any 
u  attack,"— General  Grant.  u  His  (Butler's)  army,  therefore,  though  in  a  position  of 
"  great  security,  was  as  completely  shut  off  from  further  operations  against  Richmond 
"  as  if  It  had  been  in  a  bottle  strongly  corked." 

Gen.  Grant.—  '  In  taking  charge  of  a  department  where  there  are  no  great  battles  to 
"  be  fought,  but  a  dissatisfied  element  to  control,  no  one  could  manage  better  than 
"  Gen.  Butler.  *  *  *  If  the  Department  of  Missouri  and  Kansas,  and  the 
"  States  of  Illinois  and  Indiana  could  be  merged,  and  Gen.  Butler  put  over  it,  1  think 
"  the  good  of  the  service  would  be  subserved. 

FORT  FISHER.—  *  *  *  "  In  connection  with  this  expedition  an  experiment 
"  had  been  suggested  by  Gen.  Butler  from  which  he  hoped  important  results.  His 
"  idea  was  to  blow  up  a  vessel  loaded  with  gunpowder  in  the  neighborhood, 
"  with  the  expectation  that  the  fort  would  be  injured,  if  not  destroyed,  by  the  explosion. 
"  *  *  *  The  opinion  of  the  engineers  was  adverse,  and  Grant  did  not  believe 
"  a  particle  in  it.  *  *  *  The  explosion  took  place  ;  the  shock  was  not  severe, 
"and  was  scarcely  felt  a  short  distance  off,  and  to  the  watchers  on  the  fleet  * 
"  the  report  seemed  no  louder  than  the  discharge  of  a  piece  of  artillery.  It  was,  how- 
"ever,  heard  at  Wilmington,  and  a  telegram  was  sent  to  the  rebel  commander  inquir- 
"  ing  as  ro  the  cause,  who  replied,  '  One  of  the  enemy  s  gunboats  exploded.'  No  damage 
"  of  any  description  was  done  to  the  rebel  works  or  forces,  and  the  experiment  was  an 
"  absolute  failure." 

Gen.  Grant *        *        *       "  I  am  constrained  to  request  the  removal  of    Major- 

"  Gen.  Butler.     *        *        *      The  good  of  the  service  requires  U.    *  ;    There 

"  is  a  lack  of  confidence  in  his  military  ability,  making  him  an  unsafe  commander  for 
u  a  large  army.  *  *  *  His  administration  of  the  affairs  of  his  department  is 
"  also  objectionable.  *  *  *  I  ask  that  prompt  action  be  taken  in  the  matter." 
*  *  *  On  the  7th  of  January  Butler  was  relieved.  He  never  received  another 
command. 

(See  Badeau's  Life  of  Grant,  Index  Title  Butler.) 


GEN.  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH.  61 

Upon  our  arrival  at  Camp  Williams,  we  received  intima 
tions  that  statements,  emanating  from  some  of  the  Indiana 
officers,  had  recently  become  current  which  reflected  upon 
the  Seventh  for  the  part  it  had  taken  in  the  battle  of  Baton 
Rouge.  But  as  the  rumors  that  reached  us  were  neither 
definite  or  tangible  in  form,  we  paid  but  little  attention  to 
them.  On  the  26th  of  August  I  was  ordered  to  report 
to  Gen.  Butler  in  person,  and  was  informed  that  I  had  been 
recommended  for  the  vacant  Colonelcy  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  Col.  Roberts.  It  was  then  that  I  learned  for  the 
first  time,  officially,  that  certain  accusations  had  been  made  to 
him  to  the  effect  that  the  Seventh  had  refused  to  support  the 
Indiana  regiment  at  a  critical  stage  of  the  action,  and  during 
the  fight  not  only  broke  in  confusion,  but  ran  away  leaving  its 
colors  on  the  field.  Gen.  Butler  also  informed  me,  in  substance, 
that  he  had,  upon  the  strength  of  these  charges,  (which  I  ascer 
tained  originated  chiefly  from  verbal  complaints  made  by  Col. 
McMillan  and  other  officers  of  the  21st  Indiana),  already  pre 
pared  an  order  rebuking  the  regiment  for,  what  he  was 
pleased  to  term,  its  "  discreditable  behavior  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy."  Further  than  this,  I  was  not  apprised  of  the  nature 
of  the  charges  or  the  purport  of  his  proposed  order,  but  I 
then  and  there  indignantly  denied  that  there  was  anything 
in  the  conduct  of  the  officers  or  men  which  was  at  all  de 
serving  of  reproach,  or  which  called  for  censure;  and  I  re 
pelled  as  forcibly  as  I  could  the  imputations  that  the  regi 
ment  had  refused  to  support  tne  Indianians,  or  that  it  broke 
in  confusion,  or  retired  from  the  field  in  disorder,  or  left  its 
colors  thereon.  I  also  reminded  Gen.  Butler  that  the  official 


62  GEN.  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH. 

report  of  Col.  Cahill;  based,  as  it  was,  upon  the  reports  of  the 
several  commanding  officers  of  regiments  engaged  in  the 
action,  contained  no  allusions  which,  in  the  slightest  degree, 
reflected  upon  the  Seventh,  or  which  tended  to  support  such 
charges,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  referred  to  all  the 
troops  in  a  like  complimentary  manner,  while  Col.  Dudley, 
commander  of  the  right  wing,  under  whose  immediate  obser 
vation  the  regiment  served  through  the  heat  of  the  battle,  in 
his  official  report,  spoke  of  its  operations  in  a  highly  flattering 
way ;  also  that  Gen.  Weitzel,  his  own  chief  of  staff,  in  his 
report  mentioned  all  participants  most  favorably,  and  that 
he,  by  his  own  Order  No.  57,  had  honorably  noticed  the 
entire  command  at  Baton  Rouge  without  discrimination. 
And  I  contended  that  to  attack  our  regiment  in  the  face  of 
these  official  statements,  confirmed  as  they  were  by  his  own 
order,  would  not  only  be  an  act  of  self-stultification  on  his 
part,  but  that  to  condemn  the  regiment  upon  oral  complaints 
and  ex  parte  assertions  (proceeding  principally  from  preju 
diced  persons),  without  giving  its  officers  and  men  an  oppor 
tunity  to  be  heard,  would  be  a  gross  act  of  injustice,  and 
I  urged  him  to  first  investigate  the  matter  and  hear  our 
proofs  before  committing  himself  to  a  course  which  was. 
wholly  unwarranted  by  the  facts.  All  my  efforts,  however, 
were  ineffectual. 

Chagrined  and  disgusted  at  the  determination  which  Gen. 
Butler  evinced  to  utterly  disregard  anything  I  might  say,  I 
was  obliged  to  return  to  my  quarters  feeling  that  I  had  ac 
complished  nothing  in  the  way  of  averting  the  dastardly  as 
sault  which  he  contemplated  making.  I  nevertheless  called  at 


GENERAL  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH.         63 

General  Butler's  quarters  the  next  day,  and  again  pressed  him 
to  give  us  a  full  and  fair  hearing,  and  endeavored  to  dissuade- 
him  from  condemning  the  regiment  unheard.  I  reiterated 
many  of  my  statements  of  the  previous  day,  and  informed  him 
that  in  the  meantime  I  had  conferred  with  Col.  Dudley,  and 
officers  of  his  staff,  as  well  as  others  not  belonging  to  the 
Seventh,  and  also  with  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Seventh, 
present  with  it  during  the  engagement,  all  of  whom  united 
in  saying,  that  there  was  no  unusual  confusion  in  its  ranks,  at 
any  time  ;  that  it  was  one  of  the  last  regiments  to  leave  the 
field,  and  when  doing  so,  retired  with  the  main  line,  in  per 
fect  order,  and  that  no  command  or  request  was  received  to 
support  the  Indianians,  nor  did  the  Seventh  refuse  or  fail  to 
aid  them.  I  also  gave  him  the  facts  in  respect  to  the  charge 
that  the  Seventh  had  fired  into  the  Indiana  regiment,  and 
stated  that  the  fire  complained  of  was  opened  by  the  express 
personal  directions  of  Gen.  Williams,  against  the  advice  and 
wishes  of  Col.  Eoberts,  and  that  if  it  was  true  that  any  of 
the  Indianians  were  injured,  the  fault  lay  with  Gen.  Williams, 
and  not  with  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Seventh,  who  had 
simply  obeyed  imperative  instructions.  I  also  informed  him 
that  the  colors  of  the  Seventh  were  not  left  in  its  camp  or 
on  the  field,  but  were  borne,  throughout  the  fight,  by  Color- 
Sergeant  Parkhurst,  with  great  gallantry,  and  in  the  most 
conspicious  manner,  and  at  no  time  left  his  hands  or  the  cus 
tody  of  the  regiment. 

I  also  reminded  him  that  the  reputation  of  the  State  was 
involved  and  that  to  cast  a  stigma  upon  one  of  its  regiments 
for  unmilitary  behavior  in  battle  was  too  serious  a  matter  for 


64  GENERAL  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH — ORDER  NO.  62. 

hasty  or  immature  action,  and  that  it  seemed  to  me  that  he 
owed  a  duty  to  the  people  of  Vermont  which  made  it  incum 
bent  that  he  should  first  investigate  the  facts  in  order  to  see 
whether  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh  had  been  such  as  to  be 
deserving  of  censure,  and  I  besought  him  to  convene  a  court 
of  inquiry  to  the  end  that  all  parties  might  be  heard,  and  the 
truth  ascertained.  This  request — so  proper  and  reasonable 
-under  the  circumstances — was  refused,  and  I  found  that  I 
could  do  nothing  to  avert  the  dastardly  attack.  On  the  30th 
of  August,  Gen.  Butler  promulgated  his  infamous  order 
which  bore  date  as  of  a  time  anterior  to  my  first  interview 
with  him,  from  which  I  take  the  following  extracts. 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  AUGUST  25TH,  1862. 
"  General  Order  No.  62. 

"  The  Commanding  General  has  carefully  revised  the  offi- 
4i  cial  reports  of  the  action  of  August  5th  at  Baton  Kouge  to 
41  collect  the  evidence  of  the  gallant  deeds  and  meritorious 
"  services  of  those  engaged  in  that  brilliant  victory.  *  *  * 
"  Col.  Eoberts  *  *  *  fell  mortally  wounded,  while 
41  rallying  his  men."  (That  he  fell  while  rallying  his  men 
was  a  lie,  as  was  subsequently  proven.)  "  He  was  worthy  of 
•"  a  better  disciplined  regiment  and  a  better  fate. 

11  Glorious  as  it  is  to  die  for  one's  country,  yet  his  regi- 
41  ment  gave  him  the  inexpressible  pain  of  seeing  it  break  in 
•"  confusion  when  not  pressed  by  the  enemy,  and  refuse  to 
"  march  to  the  aid  of  the  outnumbered  and  almost  over- 
"  whelmed  Indianians."  (This  was  another  lie  as  was  also 
subsequently  proven.) 


GEN.  BUTLER  AND  THE  SEVENTH — ORDER  NO.  62.   65 

"  The  Seventh  Vermont  Regiment,  by  a  fatal  mistake,  had 
"  already  fired  into  the  same  regiment  they  had  refused 
"  to  support,  killing  and  wounding  several.  (This  was  false. 
The  Seventh  fired  by  Gen.  Williams'  orders.) 

"  The  Commanding  General  therefore  excepts  the  Seventh 
"  Vermont  from  General  Order  No.  57,  and  will  not  permit 
"  their  colors  to  be  inscribed  with  a  name  which  could  bring 
11  to  its  officers  and  men  no  proud  thought. 

"  It  is  further  ordered,  that  the  colors  of  that  regiment  be 
"  not  borne  by  them  until  such  time  as  they  shall  have 
"  earned  the  right  to  them,  and  the  earliest  opportunity  will 
"  be  given  this  regiment  to  show  whether  they  are  worthy 
"  descendants  of  those  who  fought  beside  Allen,  and  with 
"  Stark  at  Bennington." 

Among  others  whom  the  Commanding  General  noticed 
specially  in  the  foregoing  order,  was  John  Donaghue,  of  whom 
he  spoke  as  follows:  "  John  Donaghue,  Fourth  Massachusetts 
"  Battery,  who  brought  off  from  the  camp  of  the  Seventh 
"  Vermont  Regiment  their  colors  at  the  time  of  their  retreat." 
(This  was  false;  "  their  colors"  were  brought  from  the  field  by 
the  Color  Sergeant  at  the  close  of  the  action,  and  the  Seventh 
did  not  retreat).  Not  an  officer  or  man  of  the  Seventh— 
although  many  of  them  performed  signal  acts  of  heroism — 
was  mentioned  in  this  order,  save  Col.  Roberts,  who,  had  his 
lips  not  been  sealed  in  death,  would  have  been  foremost  to 
resent  the  foul  aspersions  cast  upon  his  brave  regiment. 

On  the  day  the  above  order  was  published,  Gen.  Butler 
reviewed  the  troops  at  Camp  Williams,  and  took  occasion  to 
supplement  his  atrocious  attack  by  inflicting  upon  the  regi- 


66 


APPLICATION    FOR    COURT    OF    INQUIRY. 


ment  an  abusive  harangue,  which  perforce,  was  received 
with  suppressed  indignation  and  silent  contempt.  Being 
thoroughly  persuaded  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  ol> 
tain  fair  treatment  at  the  hands  of  a  man  so  blind  and  insen 
sible  to  justice  as  Gen.  Butler  had  shown  himself  to  be,  I, 
the  next  day,  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Army. 

"CAMP  WILLIAMS,  LA., 

"  GEN.  LORENZO  THOMAS,  "  August  31st,  1862. 

"  Adjutant- General, 

"  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  SIR:— In  justice  to  the  regiment  which  I  have  the  honor 
"  to  command— the  Seventh  Regiment  of  Vermont  Volun- 
"  teers— I  find  myself  under  the  necessity  of  calling  for  an  ex- 
"  animation  into  the  statements  made  by  the  Major-General 
"  commanding  this  department,  in  Order  No.  62,  dated 
:  August  25th,  1862,  which  is  calculated,  in  my  opinion,  to 
"  bring  unmerited  disgrace  upon  the  regiment  and  the  State 
"  from  which  it  comes. 

'''  I  accordingly  respectfully  request  that  a  Court  of  In- 
"  quiry  may  be  assembled  as  soon  as  convenient  to  investi- 
"  gate  and  report  upon  the  Battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  and  the 
"  part  taken  in  that  engagement  by  my  regiment,  with  the 
"  view  that  justice  may  be  done  to  it  and  the  service. 

'•'  Regretting  exceedingly  to  find  myself  impelled  to  ask 
"  for  the  scrutiny  of  a  victory  which  should  fill  all  generous. 
"  hearts  with  gratitude  and  pride,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"WM.    C.    HOLBROOK, 

"  Major  Com'd'g  7th  Eegt  Vermont  Vols." 


GEN.  PHELPS'  ENDORSEMENT.  6? 

This  communication  was  forwarded  through  the  regular 
channel,  and  received  the  following  endorsement  from  Gen. 
Phelps : 

"  CAMP  PARAPET,  LA., 

"  September  2d,  1862. 

"  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  a  regiment  in  this  quarter 
"  should  be  compelled  to  defend  itself  against  unmerited 
"  dishonor  from  its  commanding  General,  as  well  as  against 
"  the  enemy  and  extraordinary  exposure  and  disease,  but  I 
"  concur  with  Major  Holbrook  in  the  necessity  of  an  inspec- 
"  tion  into  the  facts  connected  with  the  battle  of  Baton 
"  Rouge  by  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  with  a  view  of  doing  justice 
"  to  the  Seventh  Vermont  Volunteers  and  the  service. 

"  J.  W.  PHELPS, 

"  Brig.-Gen." 

Gen.  Butler  transmitted  this  application  to  the  Adjutant- 
General,  accompanied  by  the  following  letter : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 

"  NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Sept.  14th,  1862. 
"  General: 

"  I  enclose  the  somewhat  anomalous  application  of  Major 
"  Holbrook,  commanding  the  Seventh  Regiment  Vermont 
"  Volunteers,  with  a  copy  of  the  General  Order  complained  of. 

"  It  will  be  seen  that  /  only  give  the  result  of  official  re- 
"  ports,  so  that  I  do  not  feel  personally  touched  by  the  matter 
"  or  manner  of  the  communication. 

"  Of  the  conduct  of  Major  Holbrook  there  is  no  complaint; 
"  being  Field  Officer  of  the  Day  he  was  not  in  the  action. 


68  GEN.  BUTLER'S  LETTER  OF  TRANSMITTAL. 

1  If  consistent  with  the  rules  of  the  service  to  inquire  into 
"  the  resume  by  the  Commanding  General  of  the  events  of 
11  an  action,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  it  done,  for  if  the  regi- 
"  ment  has  been  unjustly  treated  it  would  give  no  one  more 
"  pleasure  than  myself  to  see  it  righted.  As  there  has  been 
"  some  rivalry  of  feeling,  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  best  to 
"  detail  a  court  from  the  officers  at  Baton  Rouge.  I  may 
"  further  say  that  I  suggested  to  Major  Holbrook  that  he 
"  might  select  his  Court  of  Inquiry  from  any  officers  here  not 
"  of  that  brigade.  I  have  the  honor  to  be; 

'•'  Very  respectfully,  your  ob't  servant, 
:<  BRIG.-GEN.  THOMAS,  BENJ.  F.  BUTLER, 

"Adjutant  General  Maj.  G-en.  Comd'g." 

The  suggestion  that  I  might  select  the  officers  to  compose 
a  Court  of  Inquiry  was  not  made  until  after  Order  No.  62  had 
been  issued. 

Upon  the  perpetration  of  that  gross  wrong  I  was  deter 
mined  not  to  accept  any  proposition  coming  from  Gen.  Butler 
touching  an  official  inquiry  if  an  investigation  could  be  ob 
tained  from  the  authorities  at  Washington,  for  the  reason 
that  the  officers  and  men  of  the  regiment  distrusted  the  fair 
ness  of  Gen.  Butler  and  feared  the  influence  which  he  might 
exercise  upon  a  court  drawn  under  his  superintendence,  we, 

"  Refused  him  for  our  judge,  whom  yet, 
We  held  our  most  malicious  foe, 
And  thought  him  not  at  all  a  friend  to  truth." 

The  fact  that  Gen.  Butler  seemed  to  entertain  the  idea  that 
his  (i  resume  of  an  action,"  was  conclusive,  and  could  not  be 
inquired  into,  as  revealed  by  one  of  his  sentences  in  the 


MESSAGE    OF    THE    GOVERNOR   OF    VERMONT.  69 

above  letter,  confirmed  the  opinion  which  we  had  formed  that, 
left  to  himself,  he  would  refuse  to  do  us  justice,  but  in  a 
purely  arbitrary  spirit  would  claim  that  any  step  once  taken 
by  him  ivas  irreversible  and  final. 

In  due  time  my  application  was  returned  from  Washington 
with  an  endorsement  to  the  effect  that  the  exigencies  of  the 
service  were  such  that  it  was  not  then  practicable  to  detail 
officers,  outside  of  the  Department,  to  serve  on  a  Court  of 
Inquiry.  I  have*  reasons  to  believe,  however,  that  the  action 
of  the  War  Department  was  such  as  to  amount  to  a  direction 
to  Gen.  Butler  to  see  to  it  that  an  investigation  was  had  in 
compliance  with  my  demand. 

My  reasons  for  this  belief  are  based  mainly  upon  the  fact 
that  the  Legislature  of  Vermont,  alive  to  the  injustice  which 
had  been  done  to  the  regiment  and  State,  in  the  meantime 
took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  the  Senate  on  the  10th  of 
October  passed  a  resolution  requesting  the  Governor  to  fur 
nish  any  information  he  might  possess  touching  the  charges 
made  against  the  regiment,  in  response  to  which  the  following 
message  was  received. 

"  EXECUTIVE  CHAMBERS, 

"  MONTPELIER,  Oct.  16th,  1862. 
"  To  the  President  of  the  Senate  : 

"  In  reply  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Senate,  calling  on  me  for 
"  any  information  in  my  possession  touching  the  alleged  mis- 
"  conduct  of  the  Seventh  Eegiment  of  Vermont  Volunteers, 
"  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Eouge,  I  have  the  honor  to  state  that 
"  the  information  which  I  possess  has  been  received  from 
11  officers  serving  in  the  Department  of  the  Gulf,  and  it  is  in 


70       JOINT  RESOLUTION  OF  THE  VERMONT  LEGISLATURE. 

"  the  shape  of  letters  and  statements,  which,  though  not  suit- 
"  able  to  be  laid  before  the  Senate,  induce  me  to  believe  that 
"  injustice  has  been  done  to  that  Regiment,  and  that  for  the 
"  credit  of  the  State,  as  well  as  the  Regiment,  the  subject 
"  should  receive  thorough  investigation.  I  herewith  enclose 
"  a  copy  of  Gen.  Butler's  General  Order  No.  62,  in  which  the 
"  allegations  of  misconduct  are  made.  As  the  allegations  in 
"  no  way  comport  with  the  history  of  our  people,  and  the 
"  conduct  of  our  soldiers  in  all  the  various  conflicts  in  which 
"  they  have  been  engaged,  I  have  confidence  in  the  belief 
"  that  the  sons  of  Vermont  will,  everywhere,  still  be  found 
"  '  worthy  descendants  of  those  who  fought  beside  Allen  and 
"  with  Stark  at  Bennington.' 

"  FREDERICK  HOLBROOK, 

"  Governor:1 

Upon  receipt  of  this  message  the  following  joint  Resolution 

was  passed : 

41  WHEREAS,  Charges  of  misconduct  have  been  made  by  the 
"  General  commanding  the  Department  of  the  Gulf  against 
11  the  Seventh  Regiment  Vermont  Volunteers.  And 
"  whereas,  it  is  due  to  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  State 
"  that  such  charges  be  fully  investigated,  in  order  that 
"  any  injustice  therein  may  be  publicly  declared,  therefore, 

"  Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
"  that  the  Governor  be  requested  to  demand  of  the  President 
•"  of  the  United  States,  as  an  act  of  justice  to  said  regiment 
"  and  to  the  State  of  Vermont,  that  a  Board  of  Inquiry  be 
u  appointed  to  hear  and  determine  such  charges  as  soon 


OBSERVATIONS    OF    SENATOR    EDMUNDS.  /  1 

41  as   may   be,    according   to   the   usual    course   of  military 
"  inquiry." 

Senator  George  F.  Edmunds,  one  of  Vermont's  present 
distinguished  United  States  Senators,  then  representing 
the  County  of  Chittenden  in  the  State  Senate,  accompanied 
the  introduction  of  this  Resolution  with  observations,  thus 
reported  in  Walton  s  Journal  : 

*  *  *  "  He  (the  senator)  had  good  reason  to  believe 
41  that  the  charges  against  the  Seventh  were  false — that 
41  they  were  invented — invented  (and  he  would  use  the  term 
41  deliberately)  by  somebody.  He  had  as  good  reason  as  any- 
"  body  could  have  to  believe  that  the  regiment  stood  its 
41  ground  with  orders  not  to  fire,  when  they  were  exposed, 
41  until  the  order  of  Gen.  Williams  himself,  and  it  was 
"  in  obedience  to  that  order,  that  they  fired  as  they  did, 
u  so  that  nothing  like  the  charges  alluded  to  in  the  order 
"  of  the  General  commanding  could  be  the  result  of  any 
41  l  mistake '  which  they  or  their  officers  made.  All  the 
41  testimony,  aside  from  that,  showed  that  the  regiment 
"  behaved  gallantly  in  every  respect.  It  had  been  said  that 
41  they  left  their  colors  on  the  field.  The  identical  colors 
ft  were  at  the  Governor's  room.  They  were  a  small  insig- 
41  nificant  piece  of  bunting,  which  it  were  no  surprise  if  they 
"  were  left  sticking  in  the  mud  somewhere  on  the  battle  field 
41  where  nobody  could  notice  them,  all  frittered  as  they  were 
41  by  the  winds  and  rain  of  the  Mississippi  valley,  until  there 
"  was  not  enough  silk  left  to  make  a  decent  pocket  handker- 
4i  chief  for  a  pauper.  To  him  no  charge  could  be  made 
"  which  awoke  in  his  mind  the  spirit  of  indignation  and 


72  LETTER  FROM  THE  GOVERNOR  OF  VERMONT. 

"  mortification  equal  to  this.  *  *  *  When  a  man  told 
"  him  that  a  regiment  of  men  from  our  green  hills  had  been 
"  guilty  of  dishonor,  he  fairly  rebelled  with  indignation." 

The  action  of  the  Legislature,  with  the  remarks  of  Mr. 
Edmunds,  the  author  of  the  Joint  Resolution,  were  sent  to 
me  by  the  Governor,  who  stated,  among  other  things : 

"  There  is  much  kind  sympathy  and  friendly  feeling  ex- 
11  pressed  for  the  Seventh  in  all  parts  of  the  State.  You  and 
11  your  comrades  need  have  no  fear  that  the  valor  and  good 
"  soldierly  qualities  of  the  officers  and  men  of  your  regiment 
"  is  in  the  slightest  degree  questioned  in  Vermont.  Every- 
11  body  believes  that,  notwithstanding  the  regiment  had  so 
"  hard  an  experience  at  Vicksburg,  and  so  many  were  en- 
11  feebled  by  sickness  contracted  there,  still  the  regiment  did 
"  its  duty  manfully  at  Baton  Piouge,  and  will  do  so  every- 
11  where  else." 

Although  our  efforts  to  obtain  an  investigation  under  offi 
cers  not  serving  under  Gen.  Butler  failed,  he  was  con 
strained,  on  the  return  of  my  application  from  Washington, 
to  order,  as  I  at  first  suggested,  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  the  pro 
ceedings  of  which  will  presently  be  referred  to. 

Gen.  Butler,  in  his  order  No.  62,  by  way  of  introduction, 
says  he  has  "  carefully  revised  the  official  reports  *  *  * 
"  to  collect  the  evidence  of  the  gallant  deeds  and  meritorious 
"  services  of  those  engaged,"  etc.,  and  in  his  letter  trans 
mitting  my  application  to  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  army 
for  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  he  says,  alluding  to  the  above  order, 
*  *  *  "  It  will  be  seen  I  only  gave  the  result  of  official 
"  reports." 


"OFFICIAL  REPORTS."  73 

I  have  in  my  possession  copies  of  the  "  official  reports  "  of 
the  commanding  officers  of  the  several  regiments,  batteries 
and  cavalry  detachments  engaged  in  the  action,  or  then 
stationed  at  Baton  Rouge,  including  copies  of  the  "  official 
reports  "  of  Cols.  Cahill  and  Dudley,  all  of  which  have  been 
furnished  me  by  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  After 
a  careful  perusal  of  these  reports,  I  fail  to  find  a  single  refer 
ence  or  word  in  any  of  them  of  a  derogatory  character  to,  or 
which  in  any  particular  reflects,  or  which  can  be  construed 
to  reflect,  upon  the  Seventh,  with  the  exception  of  the  follow 
ing  portion  of  the  report  of  Capt.  Grimsley,  who,  for  a  time, 
commanded  the  Twenty-first  Indiana  Regiment,  to  wit : 

*  *     *     "  To  add  to  the  dangers  and  desperation  of  our 
"  situation,  the  Seventh  Vermont,  from  their  camp,  back  of 
"  us,  opened  a  fire  in  the  direction  of  all  engaged,  which  killed 
"  many   of  our  men   outright,   and  wounded  several  more. 
"  At  this  we  gave  back,  where  we  met"  Gen.  Williams,  and 
11  acquainted  him  with  the  fact ;   he  gave  the  Vermonters  a 
' '  severe  reprimand  and  ordered  them  forward  to  our  sup- 
"  port.     We  reformed  and  moved  down  to   our  old  position. 

*  *  At  the  most  critical  period  of  the  fight,  when 
"  the  Seventh  Vermont  which  was  ordered  to  support  us,  re- 
11  fused  to  do  so,  waving  his  hand  and  cheering  us  on  to 
"  deeds  of  duty,  etc.,  Adj.  Latham  was  killed." 

And  also  with  the  exception  of  the  following  item  from 
the  report  of  Capt.  Manning  of  the  Fourth  Massachusetts- 
Battery,  viz : 

*  *     *     "  Incidents —  *     *     *  John  Donaghue  brought 
"  off  from   the   camp  of  the   Seventh   Vermont  their  camp 


74      COMMENTS  UPON  GRIMSLEY's  AND  MANNINGS  REPORTS. 

"  colors  [not  their  regimental  colors]  at  the  time  of  the  [not 

their]   retreat." 

None  of  the  other  reports,  at  least  none  of  those  in  writin- 
and  preserved  as  matters  of  record,  contain  any  statements 
derogatory  to  the  Seventh,  but  on  the  contrary/ those  which 
allude  to  it  at  all,  and  particularly  the  report  of  Col.  Dudley 
Commander  of  the  right  wing,  refer  to  its  conduct  in  flatter 
ing  terms : 

As  to  the  extracts  from  Capt.   Grimsley's  report,  above 
sited,  Gen.  Butler  had  sufficient  information  from  me  to  know 
that  the   Seventh  was  neither  guilty  of,  or  responsible  for, 
the  acts  complained   of.     And  it  was  subsequently  shown 
that  no  "  reprimand  "  was  administered  to  "  the  Vermonters," 
nor  did  they  even  hear  of  any  order  to  move  "  forward." 
In    respect   to    Capt.    Manning's    report   it   shows    upon 
face   that   John  Donaghue   simply   brought  off  certain 
41  camp  colors  "  at  the  time  of  the  general  retreat.     There  is 
nothing  in   the  report  which  can   be  construed   into  a  com 
plaint  of  misconduct  on  the  part  of  the  Seventh  unless  the 
accidentally  leaving  of  guidons  in   camp  can  be  so  inter 
preted.     It  is  plain  from  this   "  official  report  "  that   Gen. 
Butler's  charge  that  the  "  colors  "  of  the  Seventh  were  left 
on  the  field  (whereby  he  intended  to  convey  the  impression 
that   its   officers   and   men   had   deserted   their   regimental 
ensign)  so  far  as  it  rested  upon  an  "  official "  statement  (and, 
have  already  shown,  so  far  as  it  rested  upon  the  facts) 
was  absolutely  false.     Indeed  there  was  no  foundation  what 
ever  Jor  the  calumny.     In  point  of  fact  there  was  nothing  in 
the   "official  reports,"  when   considered  in  the  light  of  my 


UNFAIRNESS    OF    GEN.  BUTLER. 


statements  and  explanations  to  Gen.  Butler,  which  warranted 
his  attack  upon  the  Seventh,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  if  he 
had  honestly  and  fairly  revised  them  he  would  have  seen 
that  there  was  no  ground  whatever  for  censuring  the  regi 
ment.  Granting,  however,  that  upon  the  theory  of  a  strict 
€onstruction  of  the  "  official  reports  "  there  was  some  ground 
for  a  portion  at  least,  of  his  order,  yet  for  consistency's  sake 
Gen.  Butler,  relying,  as  he  says  he  did,  upon  the  "  official 
reports  "  should  have  included  in  his  \iiifications  not  only  a 
battery  of  artillery  from  his  own  State,  but  a  regiment  of  in 
fantry  from  an  adjoining  State—  other  than  Vermont—  against 
each  of  which  organizations  more  or  less  damaging  evidence 
(according  to  Gen.  Butler's  standard)  appears  in  the  "  official 
reports."  In  my  judgment  the  conduct  of  the  men  compos 
ing  these  organizations  was  not  materially  different  from  that 
of  many  other  raw  and  inexperienced  troops  when  first 
exposed  to  fire,  and  I  allude  to  them  only  for  the  reason  that 
the  Seventh,  even  had  Gen.  Butler's  charges  been  true,  was 
no  more-  deserving  of  censure  than  they  were,  and  as  tending 
to  illustrate  the  unfairness  with  which  our  regiment  was 
treated  by  the  Commanding  General,  who  while  pretending  to 
be  just  was  extremely  unjust,  overlooking  entirely  the  short 
comings  of  troops  from  other  localities  in  order,  seemingly, 
that  he  might  wreak  his  fury  and  vengeance  upon  the 
Seventh. 

By  referring  to  Order  No.  62  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
charges  made  by  Gen.  Butler  against  the  Seventh  are  briefly 
these  : 

1st.  That  Col.  Eoberts  fell  while  rallying  his  men. 


76         COL.  FULLAM'S  COMMENTS  ON  ORDER  NO.  62. 

2d.  That  the  regiment  broke  in  confusion  when  not  pressed 
by  the  enemy,  and  refused  to  march  to  the  aid  of  the  Indi- 
anians,  who,  by  a  "  fatal  mistake/'  as  alleged,  it  had  already 
fired  into;  and, 

3d.  That  the  regiment  retreated,  leaving  its  colors  in  camp 
to  be  picked  up  and  brought  off  by  private  John  Donaghue 
of  the  Fourth  Massachusetts  Battery. 

Before  considering  the  sworn  testimony  adduced  before 
the  Court  of  Inquiry,  I  desire  to  call  attention  to  the  follow 
ing  statements  and  denials  which,  in  my  judgment,  conclu 
sively  show  the  utter  falsity  of  these  charges. 

Lieut. -Col.  Fullam  in  his  letter,  herein  before  referred  to, 
says  :  *  *  *  "  Col.  Roberts  was  not  rallying  his  men  at 
"  the  time  he  fell,  and  the  regiment  had  not  broken  in  confu- 
"  sion,  and  had  not  refused  to  march  to  the  aid  of  the  Twenty- 
"  first  Indiana,  fbr  no  officer  or  soldier  ever  heard  an  order  to 
"  that  effect,  or  knew  of  any  such  request  being  received,  nor 
"  have  I  been  able  to  learn  that  any  such  order  or  request 
"  was  ever  sent." 

I  have  already  given  Col.  Fullam 's  account  of  the  services 
of  the  regiment  during  the  action,  and  his  warm  and  just 
eulogium  on  the  heroism  of  .Color  Sergeant  Parkhurst.  But 
the  following  extract  from  his  letter,  which  has  not  been 
given,  will  serve  to  show  why  some  of  the  men  fell  back  as 
well  as  to  indicate  the  partiality  of  Gen.  Butler  in  praising 
indiscriminately  everyone  save  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
Seventh.  *  *  *  "  There  were  nearly  three  hundred  sick 
"  in  camp.  *  *  *  When  the  engagement  began  our  sick 
"  were  much  exposed,  and  were  properly  sent  to  the  river  to 


CAPT.  BUTTON  S    COMMENTS    UPON   ORDER   NO.  62.         77 

"  be  out  of  danger.  Their  irregular  appearance,  as  they 
"  passed  through  the  city,  might  well  have  created  an  impres- 
"  sion  unfavorable  to  the  regiment."  [This  was  no  excuse, 
however,  for  Gen.  Butler  to  say  that  the  regiment  broke  in 
confusion  or  retreated  when  not  pressed  by  the  enemy.] 
*  *  *  "Of  the  regiments  at  Vicksburg  with  us  only  the 
"  Thirtieth  Massachusetts  and  ours  were  in  the  fight.  The 
"  other  two  Gen.  Butler  refers  to  by  saying  that  although 
"  they  were  not  brought  into  action  they  held  their  position'' 
This  allusion  was  evidently  intended  as  a  compliment ;  and 
as  Col.  Fullam  well  says,  it  would  be  difficult  to  say  "  that 
"  they  did  not  hold  their  position  as  well  as  others  would 
"  have  done  if  not  attacked." 

Capt.  Salmon  Button,  of  Company  G,  an  accomplished, 
"brave  and  efficient  officer,  who  was  with  the  regiment  all 
through  the  action,  in  a  letter  dated  August  30th,  1862,  and 
subsequently  published  in  the  Eutland  Herald,  thus  referring 
to  Order  No.  62,  says :  *  *  *  "  The  allegations  [as  to 
"  the  Seventh]  are  unfounded  and  unjust,  and  the  disgrace 
"  is  unmerited  and  disheartening.  I  assert,  and  upon  the  asser- 
"  tion  stake  my  all,  that  the  Seventh  conducted  themselves, 
"  as  a  regiment,  creditably.  The  regiment  is  disgraced  for 
"  no  reason  in  the  world  but  the  malice  and  envy  of  those 
"  not  engaged  in  the  fight.  These  statements  I  make,  and 
"  in  making  them  speak  the  verdict  of  all  the  officers  and 
"  men  of  the  regiment.  By  reference  to  the  order  you  will 
"  see  that  Col.  Eoberts  is  said  to  have  fallen  while  rallying 
"  his  men.  That  he  fell  while  giving  orders  to  his  regiment 
"  is  true,  having  dismounted,  his  horse  becoming  unmanage- 


78       CAPT.  BUTTON'S  COMMENTS  UPON  ORDER  NO.  62. 

"  able,  and  standing  near  the  right  of  Company  B  [which 
"  was  very  near  Capt.  Button's  position] ;  but  wlien  he  fell 
"  the  regiment  was  standing  firm  as  a  rock  under  a  most 
li  deadly  fire,  without  one  broken  file,  at  the  same  time  load- 
11  ing  and  firing  very  rapidly. 

"  Again  it  is  alleged  that  the  regiment  refused  to  marcli 
"  to  the  aid  of  the  Indianians.  The  Seventh  never  refused 
"  to  so  marcli,  and  one  thing  is  true — that  every  movement 
"  it  executed  brought  us  under  fire  from  either  artillery  or 
"  musketry.  The  regiment  was  never  ordered  to  support 
"  the  Twenty-first  Indiana.  It  is  said  we  fired  into  the  same 
"  regiment,  killing  and  wounding  several.  Our  regiment 
"  stood  unmoved  under  fire  without  returning  the  same,  until 
"  ordered  by  Gen.  Williams  to  load  and  fire  as  rapidly  as 
"  possible.  That  order  /  heard  myself  from  the  lips  of 
"  Gen.  Williams  not  twenty  minutes  before  he  fell  mortally 
"  wounded. 

"  Again  in  the  order  it  is  said  that  John  Donaghue  brought 
"  off  our  colors.  This  charge  is  also  wholly  unfounded, 
'  When  we  formed  in  line  of  battle  and  moved  into  position 
"  we  took  only  the  national  flag  with  us.  [The  State  colors 
"  we  were  instructed  not  to  take  into  action.]  The  colors 
"  brought  by  John  Donaghue  from  camp  consisted  of  a  small 
"  flag  formerly  used  as  a  marker  in  battalion  drills,  and 
"  which  had  been  used  by  Major  Holbrook  at  Fort  Pike  as  a 
"  boarding  flag  for  vessels  passing  the  fort,  and  was  afterwards- 
"  used  as  a  blotter  in  the  adjutant's  office,  and  had  been 
"  thrown  aside  as  worn  out." 


COLOR    SERGEANT    PARKHUEST.  791 

This  is  strictly  true  as  will  appear  by  my  testimony.  The-- 
flag  in  question  was  so  tattered  and  torn  and  blotted  with  ink 
marks  as  to  be  scarcely  recognizable  as  a  flag.  I  described 
and  offered  to  show  the  rag  to  Gen.  Butler  before  he  issued, 
his  order,  but  he  did  not  care  to  see  it.  I  subsequently  sent 
it  to  the  Governor  of  the  State  and  it  was  on  exhibition  in 
the  Executive  Chamber  during  the  session  of  the  Legislature 
already  adverted  to,  where  it  excited  the  greatest  derision, 
and  called  forth  from  Senator  Edmunds  the  remark  that 
there  was  not  "silk  enough  left  to  make  a  decent  pocket 
"  handkerchief  for  a  pauper." 

Capt.  Dutton  continuing,  says  :  *  *  *  "So  much  for 
"  our  colors,  which  we  are  represented  as  deserting.  It  is  a 
"  falsehood  no  man  will  presume  to  utter  to  an  officer  of  the 
"  regiment.  The  national  flag  was  borne  by  the  Color  Ser- 
"  geant  Parkhurst,  who  brought  the  same  on  to  the  line  on 
"  which  our  regiment  formed  on  that  memorable  morn,  and 
"  by  him  was  carried  throughout  the  entire  action,  and  which 
"  under  a  murderous  fire  he  held  aloft,  and  kept  where  the 
"  regiment  could  see  and  rally,  if  need  be,  around  it.  That 
"  flag  was  ever  where  it  should  be,  and  nobly  did  he  stand 
"  by  and  bear  the  same  from  the  field,  without  its  once  leav- 
"  ing  his  hands.  Thus  to  impeach  the  bravery  of  a  man 
"  who  stood  the  test  of  Bull  Run  creditably  to  himself  and 
"  his  company  as  First  Lieutenant,  and  to  publish  to  the 
"  country  that  other  hands  than  his  bore  our  flag  from  the 
"  field  of  battle  is  a  statement  so  unjust  that  I  pray  God  it 
"  may  never  stain  the  annals  of  our  history.  I  watched  in 
"  the  smoke  of  battle  our  flag,  and  watched  him  bring  the. 


80    PRIVATE  ROYCE'S  STATEMENT  AS  TO  ORDER  TO  FIRE. 

"  same  to  where  we  finally  halted.  Our  colors  left  us  not 
u  for  a  moment." 

Private  James  B.  Eoyce  of  Company  I,  who  was  also 
present  during  the  entire  engagement,  in  a  letter  to  me, 
thus  describes  the  circumstances  under  which  the  Seventh 
opened  the  fire  complained  of  by  the  Indiana  men:  *  *  * 
"  Gen.  Williams  rode  up  to  Col.  Eoberts  and  wanted  to  know 
"  what  that  regiment  [referring  to  the  Seventh]  was  stand- 
11  ing  there  for  without  firing.  Col.  Eoberts  replied  that  he 
"  was  waiting  for  orders,  and  Gen.  Williams  directed  him  to 
"  give  the  command,  at  once,  to  commence  firing.  Col. 
"  Eoberts  hesitated,  and  told  him  the  Twenty-first  Indiana 
"  was  in  the  woods  and  partially  in  our  front,  or  at  least  he 
"was  afraid  they  were.  Gen.  Williams 'thereupon  gave  a 
41  peremptory  order  to  fire,  which  was  obeyed.  After  the 
"  third  volley  an  officer  rushed  out  of  the  woods  shouting  to 
"us  to  stop  firing  as  we  were  firing  into  the  Twenty -first 
"  Indiana." 

I  have  given  the  above  extracts  as  statements  made  by 
those  who  were  with  the  regiment  during  the  battle  and 
"because  the  testimony,  although  unsworn,  is  corroborated  by 
that  given  before  the  Court  ol  Inquiry,  and  for  the  reason 
that  in  the  matter  of  such  serious  charges  I  have  deemed  it 
best  to  omit  nothing  which  in  the  slightest  degree  operates 
to  establish  their  un truthfulness,  or  which  tends  to  vindicate 
the  regiment  from  the  calumnies  so  unjustly  circulated  con 
cerning  it. 

On  the  21st  of  October,  my  application  to  the  Adjutant 
General  of  the  Army  having  been  returned,  as  already  men- 


GEN.  BUTLER'S  COURT  OF  INQUIRY — TESTIMONY.        81 

tioned,  Gen.  Butler  ordered  a  Court  of  Inquiry  to  "  examine 
"  and  report  upon  the  facts  and  circumstances  relative  to  the 
"  condition,  as  to  discipline  and  efficiency  of  the  Seventh 
"  Regiment  Vermont  Volunteers  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of 
"  Baton  Rouge,  and  the  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  in 
"  that  action." 

The  officers  composing  the  court,  of  course,  belonged  to 
Gen.  Butler's  command.  He  first  selected  them  and  then, 
magnanimously  asked  me  if  I  had  any  objection  to  the  mem 
bers.  I  declined  to  become  sponsor  for  a  court  convened 
under  his  direction.  I  did  not  then  know,  however,  of  any 
personal  objections  to  the  gentlemen  chosen,  nor  have  I  any 
evidence  that  any  of  them,  unless  it  was  the  Recorder,  who 
failed  to  record  many  of  my  questions,  and  the  answers 
thereto,  acted  otherwise  than  conscientiously,  although  I 
differed  very  much,  as  many  others  did,  and  as,  I  believe, 
many  others  will,  from  some  of  the  conclusions  at  which  they 
arrived. 

The  following  synopsis  of  the  evidence  contains  all  that  is 
material  so  far  as  the  Seventh  is  concerned. 

Col.  McMillan,  of  the  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified  :  "  That 
he  was  not  in  command  of  his  regiment  at  the  battle  of  Baton 
Rouge ;  that  he  was  in  the  town  unwell ;  that  he  saw 
several  men  of  the  Seventh  in  the  town  while  the  fight  was 
going  on;  that  shout  fifteen  minutes  before  the  close  of  the 
action  he  went  to  his  regiment,  passing  the  Seventh ;  that 
balls  were  flying  pretty  thick  and  the  Seventh  was  not  in  line 
of  battle,  but  was  in  confusion  near  its  camp ;  that  his 
regiment  was  directly  in  front  engaging  the  enemy  from 


82  TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA   OFFICERS. 

behind  trees ;  that  the  Seventh  was  not  engaging  the  enemy, 
and  the  only  fire  it  was  under  at  that  time  was  stray  (sic) 
shots  fired  at  his  men." 

Col.  McMillan  admits  that  he  was  not  with  his  regiment 
during  the  action  and  claims  that  he  was  sick.  There  is 
abundant  evidence  that  he  was  not  so  sick,  but  that  he  could 
have  joined  and  taken  command  of  it  had  he  been  anxious  to 
do  so.  Notwithstanding  Gen.  Butler  says  he  twice  "  essayed 
to  join  his  regiment  but  fell  from  his  horse  from  weakness." 
He  was  seen  by  several  officers  during  the  progress  of  the 
fight  frantically  riding  about  the  town  attempting  to  disperse 
such  of  the  "  reserves  "  as  had  rallied  on  the  grog  shops. 
And  as  one  officer  of  high  rank  expressed  it,  "  he  seemed  to  be 
having  a  hard,  if  not  an  agreeable  task,  as  his  face  was  very 
much  flushed,  which  he  was  convinced  did  not  proceed  from 
bashfulness."  Col.  McMillan  did  not  show  himself  at  the 
front  until  the  action  was  entirely  over,  nevertheless  he  was 
one  of  the  most  persistent  and  malignant  defamers  the  Seventh 
had,  and  for  that  reason  his  stories  seemed  to  meet  with 
much  favor  from  Gen.  Butler. 

Capt  Frank  W.  Niblett,  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified  : 
"  That  near  the  close  of  the  action  he  was  informed  that  he  was 
senior  officer  of  his  regiment  and  must  return  to  it ;  that  in 
doing  so  he  found  a  regiment  returning  from  the  battle  field 
which  he  did  not  recognize  but  was  afterwards  told  it  was 
the  Seventh  Vermont ;  that  he  asked  the  regiment  to  return  to 
the  line  of  battle,  but  no  reply  was  made  to  such  request ;  that 
the  regiment  was  marching  off  leisurely  in  tolerable  good  order 
the  officers  appearing  to  have  the  men  well  in  hand  ;  that  the 


TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA   OFFICERS.  83 

regiment  thus  marching  off  was  about  a  square,  or  one  hun 
dred  yards,  from  the  camp  of  the  Seventh  Vermont.  That 
he  did  not  see  Col.  McMillan  during  the  day  until  the  action 
was  over." 

Lieut.  Walter  C.  Elkin,  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified : 
11  That  his  company  was  on  picket  duty,  and  when  driven  back 
things  were  so  much  confused  he  could  not  find  his  regiment : 
that  the  first  infantry  force  he  met  was  the  Seventh  Vermont, 
which  was  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  directly  in  front  of  their 
camp ;  that  Gen.  "Williams  rode  up  to  the  Seventh,  fifteen  or 
twenty  minutes  after  he  joined  it ;  "  he  seemed  very  much 
excited  ;  it  was  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight ;  he  rode  up  to 
urge  these  men  forward  ;  he  said  the  Twenty-first  is  holding 
their  ground,  if  you  go  forward  the  victory  is  ours."  Witness 
remembered  distinctly  of  his  saying  the  Twenty-first  was 
holding  their  ground;  that  just  as  Gen.  Williams  rode  off  from 
the  Seventh  there  was  a  tremendous  volley  of  musketry, 
and  the  whole  regiment  broke,  and  his  company  with  them ; 
that  the  officers  and  some  of  the  Sergeants  tried  to  rally  them  ; 
his  company  fell  back  in  confusion  with  the  rest ;  that  he 
thought  Col.  Roberts  was  shot  in  this  same  volley  ;  that  all 
fell  back  to  a  ravine  about  fifty  yards  from  the  camp ;  his 
company  staid  there  no  longer  than  it  took  him  to  form  it, 
when  we  joined  the  Thirtieth  Massachusetts ;  that  at  the 
time  the  Seventh  received  the  volley  spoken  of  they  fired 
in  a  left  oblique  direction  and  he  thought  they  were  firing  upon 
his  regiment ;  he  thought  so  from  what  Gen.  Williams  had 
told  him ;  Gen.  Williams  told  the  officers  the  same  thing  he 
had  him ;  he  thought  the  Seventh  made  no  move  forward 


84  TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA   OFFICERS. 

when  Gen.  Williams  gave  the  order.  On  cross-examination 
witness  said  :  His  supposition  that  the  Seventh  actually  fired 
into  the  Twenty-first  Indiana,  was  a  matter  of  inference 
arising  out  of  what  Gen.  Williams  told  him ;  the  "  tremendous 
volley  "  of  which  he  spoke  passed  almost  entirely  over  the 
heads  of  the  Seventh,  and  should  not  have  prevented  their 
going  forward  as  Gen.  Williams  ordered;  that  the  Seventh 
did  not  get  over  forty  paces  in  front  of  their  camp  from  the 
time  he  saw  them  till  the  close  of  the  action." 

This  testimony  is,  in  all  essential  particulars,  contradicted 
by  the  officers  of  our  regiment,  and  in  many  respects  is 
also  contradicted  by  Capt.  Grimsley  and  Lieut.  Henkle  of  the 
Twenty-first  Indiana,  and  by  Col.  Dudley  and  Lieut.  Nor- 
cum  of  the  Thirtieth  Massachusetts. 

Lieut.  John  W.  Day,  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified : 
11  That  he  had  occasion  to  observe  the  Seventh  Vermont 
during  the  battle ;  that  the  Seventh  was  posted  from  ten  to 
fifteen  paces  in  front  of  their  camp,  and  that  his  regiment 
was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  in  advance  ;  that  there 
was  considerable  fog  obscuring  the  view  and  his  regiment  was 
fired  into  from  the  rear;  the  firing  coming  directly  from 
in  front  of  the  camp  of  the  Seventh,  that  two  men  were  sent 
back,  who  reported  who  they  were ;  about  this  time  Gen. 
Williams  ordered  his  regiment  to  fall  back  in  line  with  the 
Seventh ;  that  when  it  had  done  so,  he  asked  if  it  could 
retake  its  position ;  they  said  they  could  and  were  ordered  to 
to  the  charge  ;  that  the  Seventh  at  the  same  time  fell  back 
to  the  Gas  Works ;  that  the  first  he  saw  of  the  Seventh  after 


TESTIMONY    OF  COL.    CAHILL   AND    LIEUT.    HENKLE.        85 

they  fell  back  was  in  the  ravine ;  that  he  did  not  again  see 
them  until  they  were  in  camp." 

This  testimony  is  not  consistent  with  that  given  by  other 
officers  of  the  Twenty-first  Indiana,  and  like  the  testimony 
of  the  last  witness  is  contradicted  in  so  far  as  he  charges  the 
Seventh  with  falling  back  at  a  critical  stage  of  the  action. 

Col.  Cahill,  Ninth  Connecticut,  testified  :  "  That  he  only 
remembered  seeing  the  Seventh  once  during  the  heat  of  the 
fight;  that  they  were  in  line  of  battle  in  good  order;  that 
he  saw  some  of  the  men,  not  more  than  twenty,  straggling ; 
that  the  Lieut.-Col.  of  the  Seventh  came  to  him  during  the 
fight,  and  said,  '  For  God's  sake  don't  fire  into  us  ;'  that  he 
went  to  see  where  they  were,  so  as  to  be  sure  not  to  fire- 
into  them.  On  cross-examination  he  said :  I  at  no  time 
noticed  anything  in  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh  prejudicial 
to  good  order  or  discipline ;  the  men  of  the  Seventh  that  I 
saw  straggling  said  they  were  sick  ;  I  saw  no  officers  among 
them." 

Lieut.  W.  S.  Henkle,  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified  :  "  That 
he  was  acting  Quartermaster,  and  carried  an  order  given  him 
by  Lieut.-Col.  Keith  of  his  regiment  requesting  the  Seventh 
to  come  up  and  support  it ;  that  he  delivered  the  order  to  the 
Major,  he  thought,  and  supposed  he  made  himself  understood, 
and  had  no  doubt  he  did;  that  he  could  not  command  his 
horse  so  as  to  iv ait  for  a  reply;  that  he  did  not  have  an 
opportunity  to  see  whether  the  order  was  obeyed ;  that  he- 
witnessed  the  firing  of  Seventh  into  Twenty-first ;  that  he 
rode  back  and  told  the  officers  of  the  Seventh  that  they  were 
firing  into  it ;  that  the  troops  were  so  posted  that  if  the 


86  TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA    OFFICERS. 

Seventh  was  ordered  to  fire  at  all,  they  must  fire  into  our 
own  troops  ;  that  in  their  position  it  was  impossible  to  see 
what  they  were  firing  at ;  that  the  enemy  were  firing  over 
the  heads  of  the  Twenty-first  and  directly  into  the  Seventh  ; 
that  the  smoke  and  fog  was  very  dense." 

QUESTION  BY  THE  PRESIDENT  :  What  was  the  reason 
which  in  your  judgment  justified  the  officers  of  the  Seventh 
in  giving  the  order  to  fire  ? 

A.  The  fact  that  they  were  receiving  the  enemy's  fire 
very  heavily.  /  do  not  know  lohat  reason  they  had  to  know 
the  position  of  the  Indiana  regiment.  The  firing  was  such 
they  had  reason  to  suppose  the  enemy  was  immediately  in 
front  of  them. 

To  Col.  Holbrook :  I  am  pretty  sure  I  gave  the  order  to 
move  forward  to  a  field  officer.  I  think  it  was  Col.  Holbrook 
I  gave  it  to.  I  did  not  see  any  disorder  in  the  Seventh  until 
Gen.  Williams  gave  them  an  order  to  fall  back  when  many  of 
the  men  fell  out  of  the  ranks. 

This  witness  was  clearly  in  error  in  saying  he  gave  the 
order  to  me  to  go  forward  to  the  support  of  the  Twenty-first. 
I  was  not  with  the  regiment  during  the  action.  It  is  quite 
likely  that  Lieut.  Henkle,  if  he  delivered  such  an  order  at 
all,  gave  it  to  the  wrong  person  or  failed  to  make  himself 
understood. 

Capt.  Grimsky,  Twenty-first  Indiana,  testified :  "  That  he 
commanded  the  Twenty-first  after  Lieut.-Col.  Keith  was 
wounded ;  that  he  had  occasion  to  notice  the  action  of  the 
Seventh  Vermont  during  the  battle;  that  he  heard  Gen. 
Williams  give  an  order  to  some  officer  of  the  Seventh  to 


TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA    OFFICERS. 


87 


move  forward  to  tlie  support  of  the  Twenty-first ;  that  the 
regiment  moved  up  a  short  distance ;  that  the  next  he  saw 
of  "them  they— the  main  portion  of  the  regiment— moved  by 
the  flank  to  the  town  ;  that  in  ten  minutes  from  the  time  he 
left  them  they  moved  in  a  contrary  direction  ;  that  this  was 
at  9  o'clock  A.  M.  in  the  hottest  part  of  the  engagement ;  that 
when  they  moved  to  the  rear  they  seemed  to  be  moving  in 
good  order,  as  though  they  might  have  had  an  order  to  so  move  ; 
that  at  one  time  his  regiment  changed  its  line  ;  at  that  time  it 
was  partially  concealed  from  the  Seventh ;  that  the  enemy  got 
into  the  camp  of  the  Twenty-first,  and  for  the  time,  seemingly 
directed  their  fire  upon  the  Seventh  ;  that  they  (the  Twenty- 
first)  were  directing  their  attention  to  the  enemy  in  their  camp, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  unmask  themselves  from  the  Seventh, 
and  form  immediately  in  their  front ;  that  by  some  mistake  their 
colors  were  not  unfurled  and  as  they  passed  from  under  the 
cover  of  the  fence  surrounding  the    graveyard  they  received 
two  volleys  from  the  Seventh,  killing  several  and  wounding 
many  men  ;  that  the  Seventh  had  a  clean  view  of  them,  at 
a   distance    not,  exceeding  two  hundred  yards;    that  they 
were  at  the  run  and  came  between  the  enemy  in   their  camp 
and  the  Seventh ;  he  did  not  know  whether  the  Seventh  fired 
before  they  unmasked  themselves ;   that  the  enemy,  in  their 
camp,  was  firing  into  the  Seventh;    that  occupying  the  posi 
tion  they  did  the  Seventh  had  no  means  of  knowing  where 
they,  (the  Twenty-first)  were ;    that  this  was  not  more  than 
half  an  hour  before  he  saw  the  Seventh  moving  down  the 
street :  that  he  did  not  think  the  Seventh  broke  in  disorder 
after  firing   the   two  volleys;    that  many  of  their   soldiers 


TESTIMONY    OF    INDIANA    OFFICERS. 

afterwards  -filled  up  his  ranks;  that  Col.  Keith  and  he  went 
to  the  Seventh  and  told  them  not  to  fire  into  them ;  that  Gen. 
Williams  was  there  and  spoke  very  severely  to  the  Command 
ing  Officer  and  told  him  to  reform  his  line  and  move  up  to 
the  support  of  the  Twenty-first ;  that  they  advanced  about 
thirty  yards  and  then  fell  back." 

On  cross-examination  he  said:  *  *  *  " All  manner 
of  mistakes  might  have  been  made  that  morning  on  account 
of  the  fog/'  that  he  was  positive  that  Col.  Keith  did  not 
send  any  officer  to  the  Seventh  asking  them  to  come  up ; 
that  he  said,  "Don't  fire  into  us;  come  up  and  help  us;" 
he  said  this  to  a  Captain  who  had  his  company  drawn  up  in 
line  fairly  as  though  he  was  going  to  receive  the  officer  of  the 
day;  that  his  impression  was  that  when  they  received  the 
two  volleys  from  the  Seventh,  they  ran  under  afire  already 
going  on. 

The  testimony  of  this  witness,  to  the  effect  that  Gen. 
Williams  gave  an  order  to  an  officer  of  the  Seventh  to  sup 
port  the  Twenty-first,  is  contradicted  by  so  many  witnesses, 
and  in  such  a  way,  that  it  is  clear  Capt.  Grimsley  was  mis 
taken  about  it.  No  officer  or  man  of  the  Seventh  ever  re 
ceived  such  an  order,  nor  did  any  member  of  the  Seventh  ever 
hear,  until  Capt.  Grimsley  testified  to  it,  that  Gen.  Williams 
reprimanded  its  commanding  officer  for  firing  into  the 
Twenty-first.  It  will  be  observed  that  this  witness's  testi 
mony  is  inconsistent  with  that  given  by  Lieuts.  Elkin,  Day 
and  Henkle,  and  on  the  whole  tends  to  exonerate  the  Seventh 
from  Gen.  Butler's  imputations. 


TESTIMONY   OF    COL.    ELLIOT — CLOSE   OF    PROSECUTION.     89 

Lieut. -Col.  Elliot,  First  Louisiana  (one  of  the  regiments 
organized,  and  whose  officers  were  commissioned  by  Gen. 
Butler),  testified  that  he  served  on  the  staff  of  Gen.  Williams; 
that  he  only  knew  of  one  instance  where  the  Seventh  showed 
anything  like  cowardice,  and  that  was  when  they  were  sub 
jected  to  the  severe  fire  in  which  Col.  Roberts  was  killed,  and 
when  the  regiment  was  under  the  command  of  Lieut, -Col. 
Fullam ;  that  they  broke  and  fled,  perhaps  one  hundred  feet, 
to  the  cover  of  some  gullies  ;  *  *  *  that  he  did  not  see 
the  regiment  again  in  confusion;  that  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
Seventh  refusing  to  support  the  Twenty-first  Indiana. 

"With  this  witness,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite  with 
Gen.  Butler,  the  Recorder  fitly  closed  the  case  for  the  prose 
cution.  The  Board,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  for  some  in 
scrutable  reason  credited  his  testimony  as  against  that  of 
at  least  seven  Avitnesses  who  were  wholly  unimpeached; 
and,  notwithstanding  his  general  narration,  is  inconsistent 
with  the  facts. 

Lieut.  Fredrick  J/.  Norcum,  Thirtieth  Massachusetts, 
testified  :  *  *  *  «  That  he  was  present  at  battle  of  Baton 
Rouge,  and  acted  as  aid  to  Col.  Dudley,  and  had  occasion  to 
notice  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh  Vermont ;  that  there  was 
nothing  unfavorable  in  their  conduct  which  attracted  his  at 
tention  ;  that  he  did  not  at  any  time  see  any  disorder  in 
their  ranks ;  that  he  was  generally  posted  near  them,  and 
saw  the  regiment  when  the  general  order  was  given  for  the 
whole  line  to  fall  back ;  that  they  fell  back  with  the  rest  in 
good  order  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards ;  that  this  was 
about  8  A.  M.;  that  the  falling  back  was  by  order  of  Gen. 


90      TESTIMONY    OF    COL.    DUDLEY   AND    CAPT.    MANNING. 

Williams  to  the  whole  right  wing;  that  the  Seventh  did 
not  fall  back  any  further  than  the  rest  of  the  force,  but  with 
the  line. 

Col  N.  A.  M.  Dudley,  Thirtieth  Massachusetts,  testified : 
"  That  he  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge  ;  that  the 
Seventh  was  under  his  command  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
action,  he  being  senior  officer  of  the  right  wing ;  that  he  saw  noth 
ing  to  censure  in  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh ;  that  the  first  he 
saw  of  the  Seventh  was  when  Gen.  Williams  sent  him  an  order 
to  take  back  his  command  to  the  neighborhood  of  Boulevard 
street;  that  in  executing  this  movement  he  found  the  Seventh 
in  the  rear  of  their  tents ;  that  he  asked  what  they  were  doing 
there,  and  they  said  they  had  fallen  back  with  the  rest;  that  he 
then  gave  them  the  order  to  fall  back ;  that  at  that  time  there 
were  regiments  in  their  rear — the  Fourteenth  Maine  was  in 
their  rear;  that  the  only  troops  in  front  of  them  was  the  Sixth 
Michigan  and  Nim's  Battery;  that  he  gave  the  Seventh  two 
orders  himself,  both  of  which  they  obeyed;  that  he  had  no 
knowledge  of  any  of  the  orders  which  he  sent  by  staff  officers 
being  disobeyed;  that  he  did  not  know  anything  of  the  firing 
into  the  Twenty-first  Indiana  by  the  Seventh;  that  the 
Twenty-first  was  scattered  over  the  field  very  much,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  tell  lohere  they  were,  and  they  even  complained  of 
his  regiment  firing  into  them ;  that  he  doubted  very  much 
whether  they  were  fired  into/rom  the  rear  at  all.1' 

Capt.  Manning,  Fourth  Massachusetts  Battery,  testified : 
"  That  he  did  not  see  the  Seventh  to  recognize  it  as  a  regiment 
during  the  engagement ;  that  John  Donaghue  of  his  Company 
brought  off  from  the  camp  of  the  Seventh,  at  the  time  Col. 


TESTIMONY    OF    MAJOR    PORTER.  91 

Dudley  ordered  them  to  fall  back,  four  small  camp  flags  marked 
Seventh  Vermont,  and  a  small  American  flag ;  that  they  were 
camp  colors" 

Major  Henry  M.  Porter,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified  :  "That 
he  was  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Kouge,  and  was  in  command  of 
the  regiment  after  Col.  Koberts  fell  for  about  twenty  minutes; 
that  Col.  Koberts  was  not  killed  while  rallying  his  men;  that 
soon  after  the  line  was  formed  Gen.  Williams  rode  up  and 
ordered  the  Seventh  to  commence  firing;  that  balls  were  com 
ing  at  it  pretty  fast;  that  the  Colonel's  horse  became  unmanage 
able,  and  he  dismounted,  and  about  the  same  time  an  officer 
from  the  Indiana  regiment  came  up,  saying  "  you  are  firing 
into  our  men";   that  the  Colonel  thereupon  gave  the  order 
to  cease  firing,  and  immediately  after  was  wounded ;  that  he 
was  standing  but  a  few  feet  from  him  at  the  time ;  that  the 
right  wing  fell  back  through  the  camp,  whether  by  orders  or 
not  he  did  not  know,  as  he  was  engaged  at  the  instant  in  re 
moving  the  Colonel;  that  he  was  informed  that  he  was  to  take 
command ;  that  he  immediately  formed  a  new  line,  perhaps  one 
hundred  feet  to  the  rear,  and  reported  to  Gen.  Williams  that 
he  was  in  command  of  the  regiment,  and  asked  for  orders ; 
that  he  directed  him  to  take  the  regiment  to  the  cover  of  an 
embankment-  that  a  part  of  the  Fourteenth  Maine  retired 
with  them;  that  he  remained  in  command  until  the  Lieut.-Col., 
who  had  been  sent  to  see  to  a  battery  which  had  been  firing 
into  the  regiment,  joined  it;  that  he  heard  no  request  from 
the  Indiana  regiment  to  come  up  to  its  aid,  and  knew  of  no 
order  to  advance  to  its  support;  that  he  did  not  refuse  to 
obey  any  of  the  orders  he  received;   that  he    thought   the 


92  TESTIMONY   OF    CAPT.    BARBER. 

regiment  had  fired  about  three  volleys  when  it  was  announced 
that  it  was  firing  into  the  Indiana  regiment;  then  the  Seventh 
fired  in  the  direction  of  the  Indiana  camp,  where  it  was  sup 
posed  the  enemy  was  ;  that  his  company  was  Color  Company; 
that  it  carried  only  the  United  States  flag;  that  the  State 
colors  were  not  taken  out  on  the  field;  that  the  United  States 
colors  were  preserved  and  brought  off  the  field. 

Capt  David  P.  Barber,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified:  "That 
he  was  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  and  saw  Col.  Roberts 
when  he  fell;  that  the  Colonel  dismounted  from  his  horse, 
which  was  unmanageable,  came  to  the  centre  of  the  regi 
ment  and  was  there  struck ;  that  there  was  then  no  break  in 
the  regiment;  that  his  company  was  in  the  centre  of  the  left 
wing;  that  he  never  heard  of  any  order  for  the  Seventh  to 
advance  to  the  support  of  the  Twenty-first  Indiana,  and  did 
not  know  the  position  of  the  Indiana  regiment  when  it  fired 
into  them;  that  he  heard  Gen.  Williams  give  the  Seventh 
the  order  to  fire  three  times]  that  an  officer  came  out  of  the 
woods  and  called  to  the  regiment  to  cease  firing  as  they  were 
firing  into  the  Indiana  Regiment;  that  the  order  to  cease 
firing  came  down  from  the  right;  that  he  never  heard  of  any 
order  being  received  to  advance  to  the  support  of  the 
.Twenty-first;  and  during  the  action  he  had  no  means  of 
knowing  their  position ;  that  there  was  no  unusual  confusion 
when  Col.  Roberts  fell;  that  after  he  fell  the  regiment  was 
ordered  to  the  rear;  that  the  Seventh  did  not  fall  back  until 
it  was  ordered  to;  that  at  no  time  during  the  action  was  the 
regiment  in  disorder,  every  order  was  obeyed  promptly;  that 
the  Seventh  did  not  leave  its  colors  on  the  field ;  that  he  saw 


TESTIMONY    OF    LIEUTS.    PARKER    AND    WOODMAN.         93 

the  "  colors  "  said  to  have  been  brought  from  camp  by  John 
Donaghue;  that  it  was  a  small  National  flag  called  a  marker, 
and  if  he  had  seen  a  regiment  with  it  he  would  have  sup 
posed  it  was  some  old  thing  which  had  been  thrown  away." 

Lieut.  Jackson  V.  Parker,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified: 
"  That  he  was  present  at  battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  and  was  on 
the  extreme  left  of  the  regiment.  The  Seventh  had  an  order 
from  Gen.  Williams  to  fire,  and  did  so,  and  was  shortly 
told  its  fire  was  affecting  the  Indiana  Eegiment;  that  an 
order  came  from  Col.  Roberts  to  cease  firing,  and  just  after 
wards  he  saw  him  fall;  that  the  regiment  then  moved  to 
the  rear ;  that  a  portion  of  the  Fourteenth  Maine  fell  back 
with  it;  that  if  there  was  any  confusion  in  the  right  wing  it 
was  restored  immediately;  that  he  heard  no  order  to  advance 
to  the  support  of  the  Indianians ;  that  he  saw  the  colors  of 
the  regiment  brought  off  the  field." 

Lieut  Austin  E.  Woodman,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified  : 
"  That  he  was  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge;  that  Col.  Roberts 
fell  near  the  centre  of  the  line;  that  the  regiment  ivasnot  in 
confusion  at  the  time  he  fell;  that  he  never  heard  of  any 
order  to  advance  to  the  support  of  the  Twenty-first;  that  he 
saw  the  officer  who  came  out  of  the  woods  and  asked  it  to 
stop  firing,  but  did  not  hear  him  call  upon  the  regiment  to 
go  up  and  help  them;  that  he  saw  the  colors  of  the  Seventh 
brought  off  from  the  field ;  that  Color-Sergeant  Parkhurst 
brought  them  off  with  the  color  company  when  it  came  off 
with  the  rest;  that  he  saw  the  "  colors"  alleged  to  have  been 
brought  off  by  John  Donaghue;  one  was  a  marker  with  a 


94      CAPTS.    CRONAN,    BUTTON,    AND    SERGT.    PARK  HURST. 

figure  seven  on  it.     There  was  also  a  small  United  States  flag 
— a  fifteen  or  eighteen  inch  flag." 

Capt.  William  Cronan,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified  :  "  That 
he  was  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge;  that  he  did  not  hear  any 
order  or  request  to  advance  to  the  support  of  the  Twenty- 
first  Indiana;  that  he  heard  Gen.  Williams  give  the  order  to 
fire  at  the  time  it  fired  into  them.  An  officer  came  out  of 
the  woods  and  called  on  it  to  stop  firing;  that  he  did  not  hear 
him  ask  it  to  come  up  and  help  them ;  that  he  saw  our  colors 
brought  off  the  field." 

Capt.  Salmon  Dutton,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified  :  "  That 
he  was  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge ;  that  the  regiment  re 
ceived  orders  from  Gen.  Williams  to  fire,  and  while  doing  so 
an  officer  came  out  of  the  woods  and  called  on  it  to  cease 
firing ;  that  he  did  not  hear  him  call  upon  it  to  go  up  and  help 
them ;  that  he  heard  of  no  order  or  request  to  support  the 
Indiana  regiment;  that  he  saw  the  colors  of  the  Seventh 
brought  off  the  field." 

Color- Sergeant  Sherman  W.  Parkhurst,  Seventh  Vermont, 
testified  :  "  That  he  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge, 
and  carried  the  Regimental  Colors ;  that  they  did  not  leave 
his  hands  during  the  engagement:  that  he  brought  them  off 
the  field;  that  he  was  with  the  color  company  all  the  time; 
that  the  colors  were  unfurled;  that  he  stood  erect  all  through 
the  engagement;  that  it  was  the  United  States  colors  he  car 
ried ;  that  the  State  flag  was  not  taken  into  the  field." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  orders  from  head-quarters 
were  not  to  take  the  State  flag  into  action. 


TESTIMONY    OF    COL.    HOLBEOOK.  95 

Col.  William  C.  Holbrook,  Seventh  Vermont,  testified : 
"  That  the  Seventh  had  about  250  men  present  for  duty  on 
the  day  of  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge ;  that  it  had  about  225 
men  in  line  ;  that  it  had  just  returned  from  Vicksburg,  and 
the  sick  f  in  quarters '  were  all  in  camp ;  that  it  had  about 
520  men  on  the  sick  list,  of  whom  about  200  were  in  hospi 
tal  ;  that  he  was  field  officer  of  the  day,  and  was  not  with 
the  regiment,  and  therefore  had  no  personal  knowledge  of 
the  circumstances  connected  with  the  fall  of  Col.  Roberts,  or 
the  firing  into  the  Twenty-first  Indiana,  or  the  alleged  refusal 
to  support  that  regiment ;  that  all  he  knew  personally  was, 
that  after  the  pickets  were  driven  in  he  rode  past  the  Seventh, 
told  Col.  Roberts  the  point  of  attack,  and  he,  Col.  Roberts, 
immediately  moved  the  regiment  to  the  left ;  that  he  met 
Gen.  Williams  a  short  distance  from  the  regiment,  who  asked 
him  the  point  of  attack,  and  he  told  him,  as  near  as  he  could 
judge,  where  the  different  columns  of  the  enemy  would  come ; 
that  at  this  time  he  saw  a  great  number  of  men  running  back 
towards  the  river,  and  remembered  very  distinctly  Gen. 
"Williams  ordering  them  to  halt ;  that  they  did  not,  and  he- 
rode  in  among  them,  and  they  stopped,  saying  they  were 
sick  men  from  the  Twenty-first  Indiana  and  Fourteenth 
Maine;  that  he  judged  there  were  150  in  all;  that  Gen. 
Williams  told  them  to  take  care  of  themselves  if  they  were 
sick ;  that  he  was  then  sent  by  Gen.  Williams  to  look  after 
the  pickets  on  the  right  and  left  flanks,  and  to  hold  those 
positions  at  all  hazards ;  that  he  never  received  an  order  or 
request  to  support  the  Twenty-first  Indiana;  that  he  saio  no 
officer  of  that  regiment  until  the  action  was  over ;  that  the 


90  REPORT    OF    COURT   OF   INQUIRY. 

sick  men  of  the  Seventh  in  camp  had  orders  to  retire  to  the 
river  bank,  with  the  exception  of  eleven  commissioned  offi 
cers,  all  of  whom  were  in  the  engagement ;  that  he  saw  the 
regimental  colors  with  the  regiment  at  the  Penitentiary 
immediately  after  the  final  falling  back  of  the  lines ;  that  on 
or  about  Sept.  5th  he  received  through  his  Quartermaster 
four  guidons,  said  to  have  been  brought  from  the  field  by  John 
Donaghue;  three  of  them  were  simple  white  flags  with  the 
figure  7  inscribed  on  them,  while  the  other  was  a  small 
United  States  flag,  very  much  tattered  and  torn;  that  it  had 
been  used  in  the  Adjutant's  office  as  a  blotter ;  that  he  heard 
nothing  of  the  alleged  misconduct  of  the  regiment  until  he 
arrived  at  Camp  Parapet,  about  the  24th  or  25th  of  August ; 
that  just  previous  to  the  battle,  the  regiment  had  been  on 
board  river  transports  for  the  better  part  of  six  weeks ;  that 
at  a  review,  a  short  time  before  the  engagement,  two  or 
three  companies  Avere  not  represented,  their  services  being 
needed  to  bury  the  dead  ;  that  about  a  week  previous  to  the 
battle  there  was  but  ninety-five  men  present  for  duty  in  the 
entire  regiment." 

The  report  of  Col.  Dudley,  an  extract  from  which  has  been 
given  at  page  45,  was  read  by  me,  and  offered  as  a  part  of 
our  case,  at  the  end  of  my  testimony. 

The  Court  made  the  following  report:  *  *  *  "  The 
"  Board  having  fully  weighed  and  considered  the  evidence 
"  report  as  follows  :  It  appears  from  the  evidence  that  when 
"  the  Seventh  was  called  upon  to  participate  in  the  battle 
"  of  Baton  Rouge  it  had  been  very  much  reduced  in  numbers, 
"  and  doubtless  in  morale,  by  the  severities  of  the  campaign 


REPORT  OF  BOARD  OF  INQUIRY.  97 

"  at  Vicksburg,  and  by  long  confinement  on  board  transports. 
"  On  the  morning  of  the  battle  the  regiment  had  present  for 
"  duty  about  250  men,  and  about  520  men  sick,  of  whom 
"  about  200  were  in  hospital.  About  225  men  were  in  line 
"  early  in  the  action. 

"  The  Commanding  Officer  of  the  regiment — Col.  Roberts — 
"  fell  under  the  sharpest  volley  that  was  fired  that  day,  and 
"  shortly  after  his  fall  the  regiment  fled  about  one  hundred 
"feet  to  the  rear  and  to  the  cover  of  some  gullies  in  a  disor- 
"  derly  manner.  About  two-fifths  of  the  men  present  for 
"  duty  did  not  return  to  position  in  line  of  battle  during  the 
"  day. 

11  The  only  evidence  to  sustain  the  finding  that  the  regi- 
"  ment  fled  about  one  hundred  feet,  is  that  of  Lieut.-Col. 
"  Elliott,  which  as  we  have  seen  stands  alone,  and  came  from 
"  a  swift  witness  and  is  contradicted  by  all  the  officers  of  the 
"  regiment.  The  finding  that  two-fifths  of  the  regiment  did  not 
"  return  to  the  line,  after  this  alleged  flight,  was  manufac- 
"  lured.  It  is  absolutely  unsupported  by  evidence  and  I 
"  defy  any  one  to  find  in  the  testimony  any  warrant  for  it. 

"  It  appears  that  early  in  the  action  Lieut.-Col.  Fullam 
"  had  been  dispatched  by  his  Colonel  to  see  to  the  firing  of 
"  a  battery  which  was  endangering  the  regiment.  That 
41  Major  Holbrook  was  field-officer  of  the  day.  Upon  the  fall  of 
"  the  Colonel,  therefore,  the  command  of  the  regiment  devolved 
"  temporarily  upon  Captain,  now  Major,  Porter,  who  seems  to 
"  have  boh&vedcreditably  in  a  trying  position.  When  the  Lieut- 
"  Colonel  returned  he  assumed  command  of  the  regiment." 


98  REPORT  OF  BOARD  OF  INQUIRY. 

"  So  far  as  any  evidence  appears,  it  would  seem  that  the 
"  line-officers  behaved  well  during  the  day." 

"  It  appears  that  the  Seventh,  or  a  part  of  it,  did  fire  into 
"  the  Twenty -first  Indiana,  but  there  is  an  exculpation  to  be 
"  found  in  the  testimony  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
"  Indiana  regiment,  Capt.  Grimsley,  to  wit:— 

"  Occupying  the  position  they  did,  the  Seventh  had  no 
"  means  of  knowing  where  we  were.  My  impression  is, 
"  when  we  received  the  two  volleys  from  the  Seventh,  we  ran 
"  under  a  fire  which  was  already  going  on." 

"  It  appears  also,  from  the  testimony  of  various  witnesses,- 
"  that  the  field  loas  covered  by  a  dense  fog  and  smoke,  so 
"  that  it  was  quite  impossible  to  distinguish  a  friend  from 
."  a  foe  at  the  distance  the  regiments  were  apart ;  and,  more- 
"  over,  that  the  position  of  the  Indiana  regiment  was  fre- 
"  quently  changed." 

"  It  does  not  appear  that  any  orders  were  communicated 
"  to  the  Vermont  regiment  during  the  day  which  they  dis- 
"  obeyed. 

"  It  appears  that  the  colors  of  the  regiment  were  retained 
''  by  the  color  guard  during  the  action,  and  ivere  brought  of 
"  the  field  by  the  color  guard  when  the  regiment  fell  back. 

"  It  appears  that  the  'Camp  Colors'  alleged  by  Capt. 
"  Manning,  Fourth  Massachusetts  Battery,  to  have  been 
"  brought  from  the  camp  of  the  Seventh  by  John  Donaghue, 
"  were  three  markers  in  common  use,  and  one  small  United 
"  States  flag,  which  had  been  used  for  no  military  purpose 
"for  a  long  time  previous!' 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  findings  of  the  Court  are  all  favor- 


COMMENTS — ORDER    NO.    98.  99 

able  to  the  regiment,  except  in  two  particulars,  i.  e. :  (1)  In 
charging,  that  the  regiment  fled  about  one  hundred  feet; 
and  (2)  that  two-fifths  of  the  men  did  not  thereafter  return 
to  line.  It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the  preponder 
ance  of  evidence  is  entirely  against  the  first  of  these  findings ; 
whereas,  the  second  was  invented,  there  being  no  evi 
dence  to  support  it.  But  let  us  suppose  that  there  was  a 
flight  covering  the  enormous  space  of  one  hundred  feet,  and 
that  there  were  "  some  gullies"  at  the  end  of  the  distance, 
was  it  such  an  uncommon  incident,  or  was  it  such  an  heinous 
offence  as  to  merit  condemnation  in  General  Orders?  It 
seems  to  me  it  was  not.  The  most  experienced  soldiers  have 
been  known  to  seek  shelter  from  a  deadly  fire,  and  frequently 
it  is  the  part  of  prudence  to  do  so.  One  hundred  feet,  accord 
ing  to  the  usual  measure,  would  be  just  the  length  of  three 
and  one-third  of  the  rails  of  the  Central  Vermont  Railroad— 
surely  not  such  a  tremendous  distance,  and,  had  all  the  facts 
been  brought  out,  it  would  have  been  found  that  it  was  not 
one-tenth  the  space  covered  in  the  race  for  security  run  by 
some  of  the  troops  whom  Gen.  Butler  saw  fit  to  extol  for 
gallantry  in  Order  No.  62. 

Upon  the  findings  of  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  Gen.  Butler, 
with  great  affectation  of  pleasure,  issued  the  following  order : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 
"  NEW  ORLEANS,  November  20th,  1862. 

"  General  Order  No.  98. 

"  The  Commanding  General,  upon  the  findings  of  the  Board 
"  of  Inquiry  upon  the  conduct  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  Ver- 


100  COMMENTS — ORDER    NO.    98. 

"  mont  Volunteers  at  the  battle  of  Baton  Rouge,  learns  that 
"  he  was  led  into  a  mistake  by  the  official  reports  of  that 
"  action,  as  to  the  loss  by  that  regiment  of  its  colors,  it  prov- 
u  ing  to  have  been  the  Camp  colors  left  in  camp,  and  not  the 
"  Regimental  colors  that  were  brought  off  the  field  by  the 
"  Massachusetts  Battery  (sic).  He  therefore,  has  pleasure 
"  in  ordering  the  regimental  colors  to  be  restored  to  the 
"  regiment,  not  doubting  that  it  will,  in  the  next  action, 
"  earn  for  itself  a  position  and  name  which  will  be  a  credit 
"  to  itself,  its  State  and  country. 

"  By  command  of 

"  MAJ.  GEN.  BUTLER. 
"  GEO.  C.  STRONG,  A.  A.  GEN." 

This  was  a  singular  order  for  a  General  to  make  pretend 
ing  to  the  slightest  degree  of  uprightness  or  fairness,  Gen. 
Butler's  own  court  had  virtually  found  that  he  had  grossly 
traduced  the  regiment,  yet  to  his  mind  the  only  effect  of  its 
findings  seems  to  have  been  to  enlighten  him  as  to  the  fact 
that  "  Camp  Colors  "  when  so  designated,  in  express  terms, 
as  in  Capt.  Manning's  report  they  were,  could  not  be  taken 
to  mean  regimental  colors,  a  blunder,  it  is  needless  to  say, 
which  the  veriest  tyro  in  military  affairs,  if  honestly  disposed, 
would  not  have  made.  But  the  order  was  in  full  keeping 
with  the  vindictive  and  malicious  spirit  evinced  towards  the 
Seventh  by  Gen.  Butler  in  his  dealings  with  it,  and  hence  it 
is  not  strange  that  he  should  have  refused  to  acknowledge,  or 
attempt  to  repair  the  injustice  he  had  so  deliberately  done  to 
the  regiment  and  State.  I  doubt  if  the  annals  of  the  Avar 


C3NDUCT   UNDER    DEFAMATION.  101 

furnish  another  such  instance  of  premeditated  iniquity  as 
wa^  this  monstrous  attack  upon  our  regiment. 

Although  such  harsh  and  unfair  treatment  was  well  cal 
culated  to  cool  the  ardor  and  utterly  disgust  any  body  ot 
soldiers,  yet  the  men  of  the  Seventh  bore  up  under  it  right 
nobly.  Conscious,  as  they  were,  that  they  had  been  most 
grievously  wronged  and  defamed,  they  nevertheless  performed 
their  full  duty  under  the  temporary  cloud  of  igaominy  which 
encompassed  them,  their  courage  and  fidelity  in  the  glorious 
cause  for  which  they  were  daily  risking  their  lives  never  for 
a  moment  flagging. 

"  Fear  to  do  base,  unworthy  things,  is  valor  ; 

If  they  be  done  to  us,  to  suffer  them  is  valor,  too — 

Most  manfully  did  they  bear  their  part  in  the  long  conflict 
which  followed  this  event,  as  I  can  personally  testify,  and  as 
the  record  of  their  subsequent  career  will  fully  attest. 

Shortly  before  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  enlistment 
all  the  surviving  and  undischarged  enlisted  men,  who  were 
original  menbers  of  the  regiment,  except  fifty-nine,  re-enlisted 
for  three  years  further  service,  or  for  the  war,  and  long  after 
Gen.  Butler  had  been  retired  to  deserved  obscurity,  as  a 
military  commander,  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Seventh 
were  actively  employed,  and  bravely  performing  duty  on 
"  flood  and  field,"  trusted  and  respected  by  their  "  Command 
ing  Generals,"  and,  because  of  their  "  discipline  "  and  efficiency, 
ever  given  the  posts  of  greatest  danger  and  responsibility. 

There  is  very  much  that  could  be  said  by  way  of  criticism 
concerning  Gen.  Butler's  unjust  treatment  of  the  Seventh. 
But  I  must  here  limit  myself  to  but  a  few  reflections,  and 


102  KEFLECTIONS. 

first  I  would  say  that,  in  considering  the  charges  brought 
against  it — even  upon  the  assumption  of  their  truth — there 
was  much  in  the  state  of  health  and  physical  condition  of  the 
officers  and  men  which  entitled  their  conduct  to  lenient  scru 
tiny.  The  regiment  had  just  returned  from  a  trying  and 
disastrous  expedition,  in  which  it  had  experienced  great 
hardships  and  been  exposed  to  an  unusual  amount  ol  sick 
ness.  A  large  number  of  the  men  had  perished  by  disease, 
and  so  many  of  the  surviving  members  of  the  regiment  were 
impregnated  with,  and  suffering  from  malarial  poison,  that  out 
of  about  900  men  not  over  225  could  be  brought  into  line  of 
battle  on  the  morning  of  the  engagement.  Of  this  small 
number  but  about  100 — the  men  who  but  a  few  days  before 
had  joined  us  from  Fort  Pike — were  fresh  and  strong,  the 
residue  being  largely  convalescents,  and  hardly  fit  for  any 
more  severe  service  than  light  camp  duty.  Indeed,  such 
was  the  state  and  condition  of  the  regiment,  that  even  Gen. 
Butler's  Court  of  Inquiry  was  constrained  to  find  that  it  was 
u  much  reduced  in  numbers,  and  doubtless  in  morale,  by  the 
"  severities  of  the  campaign  at  Vicksburg,  and  long  confine- 
"  ment  on  transports."  That  this  was  so  is  not  strange, 
when  the  experience  to  which  we  had  been  subjected  is  taken 
into  account.  The  Seventh  left  Vermont  in  the  preceding 
month  of  March,  and  reached  Ship  Island  early  in  April 
following.  Within  less  than  two  months  thereafter  the  regi 
ment  was  ordered  to  take  part  in  the  river  campaign,  and 
with  no  opportunity  to  become  acclimated,  or  even  accus 
tomed  to  the  duties  of  a  life  entirely  different  from  that 
which  they  had  led  from  boyhood,  the  men  were  immediately 


REFLECTIONS.  103 

assigned  to  the  most  arduous  Held  service,  in  performing 
which  they  were  constantly  exposed  to  an  atmosphere  charged 
with  the  elements  of  disease,  with  no  adequate  protection 
from  the  scorching  rays  of  the  sun  by  day,  or  shelter  against 
the  mephitic  gases  and  dews  of  the  night.  An  experienced 
soldier  would  surely  have  taken  these  circumstances  into  con 
sideration  in  reviewing  charges  of  misconduct  in  action  on 
the  part  of  a  regiment  so  conditioned.  Not  so,  however,  was 
it  with  Gen.  Butler.  He  seemed  to  think  that  as  high  a 
degree  of  discipline  was  to  be  expected  from  a  body  of  men 
prostrated  and  demoralized  by  serious  and  depressing  bodily 
ailments,  so  occasioned,  as  from  robust  battalions  just  out  of 
garrison  or  camps  of  instruction ;  and  hence  he  sought  in 
Order  No.  62  to  convey  the  impression  that  the  Seventh  was 
an  undisciplined  regiment,  and  that  the  officers  were  blame- 
able  therefor.  The  "official  reports"  of  the  commanding 
officers  under  whom  the  regiment  served,  and  who  (unlike 
Gen.  Butler)  were  eyewitnesses  of,  and  personal  participants 
with  it,  in  its  movements  on  the  battle  field,  sufficiently  re 
fute  this  imputation,  as  they  show  conclusively  that  the 
Seventh  had  abundant  morale  left  to  do  its  duty  bravely, 
notwithstanding  it  was  handicapped  with  a  sick  list  com 
prising  over  two-thirds  of  its  members. 

The  secret  impulses  which  actuated  Gen.  Butler  in  pursu 
ing  the  course  he  did  toward  the  Seventh  are,  of  course,  known 
only  to  himself.  But  there  were  many  circumstances,  at 
the  time,  which  tended  to  indicate  that  his  action  was  in 
spired  by  malice  and  from  a  desire  to  add  to  his  own  reputa 
tion  as  a  disciplinarian,  and  for  political  effect. 


104  REFLECTIONS. 

Allusion  lias  already  been  made  to  the  fact  that  the  State 
authorities  were  opposed  to  placing  the  Seventh  under  Gen. 
Butler  and  to  the  indignation  which  it  is  said  he  felt  in 
consequence.  Also  to  his  quarrels  with  the  officers  soon  after 
our  arrival  at  Ship  Island  and  to  his  controversy  with  Gen. 
Phelps,  and  the  well  known  interest  which  the  latter  took  in 
our  welfare.  These  things  induced  many  of  our  officers  and 
men  to  believe,  and  that  belief  has  not  yet  become  extinct, 
that  Gen.  Butler  was  influenced  thereby  to  avail  himself  of 
the  first  pretext  that  offered  to  visit  his  wrath  upon  the 
Seventh,  and  his  arbitrary  and  unjust  refusal  to  listen  to  us 
when  the  charges  in  question  were  made,  certainly  lends 
color  to  the  supposition  that  these  early  matters  of  difference 
did  form  a  constituent  part  of  his  motives  for  attacking  the 
regiment. 

Gen.  Butler  at  this  time  had  acquired  great  celebrity  for 
the  audacity  and  vigor  with  which  he  had  administered  affairs 
in  New  Orleans,  and  had  also  achieved  a  factitious  and  less 
enviable  reputation  (as  dear  probably  to  him,  however,  as  the 
former)  for  the  severity  with  which  he  had  waged  war  upon 
the  women  and  non-combatants  of  that  city.  Gen.  Dix  in  a 
moment  of  patriotic  fervor  had  exclaimed,  "  If  any  man 
attempts  to  haul  down  the  American  flag  shoot  him  on  the 
spot,"  and  Gen.  Butler  catching  the  spirit  of  this  patriotic 
utterance  caused  one  Mumford  who  had  pulled  down  our 
flag  to  be  put  to  a  more  ignominious  death,  and  instead  of 
shooting  him  "on  the  spot "  caused  him  to  be  summarily  hung. 
These  and  some  other  acts  of  a  kindred  character  gave  him 
much  notoriety  and  prestige  as  a  bold  and  aggressive  officer 


REFLECTIONS.  105 

so  far,  at  least,  as  dealing  with  rebellious  subjects  was  con 
cerned.  No  man  understood  better  than  Gen.  Butler  the 
admiration  which  our  people  have  for  a  vigorous  and  cour 
ageous  character,  and  no  man  at  that  time  made  greater 
efforts  to  acquire  that  reputation  than  he  did.  He  was 
constantly  posing  before  the  public  for  effect  and  to  acquire 
conspicuity,  and  was  willing  to  resort  to  any  means  to  obtain 
it  and  for  "  every  deed  of  mischief,  he  had  a  heart  to  resolve, 
a  head  to  contrive,  and  a  hand  to  execute."  But  as  a  soldier, 
pure  and  simple,  Gen.  Butler  had  gained  no  renown  and  had 
displayed  no  capacity  either  for  managing  or  handling  troops. 
His  fame  consisted  wholly  in  the  prompt  and  fearless  manner 
in  which  he  had  discharged  his  duties,  as  a  Military  Dictator 
under  the  dominance  of  martial  law.  The  vast  power  with 
which  he  was  thus  vested  made  him  arbitrary  and  frequently 
unjust,  and  the  public  service  was  often  times  prostituted  and 
made  subservient  to  his  personal  ends.  At  this  time  too, 
Gen.  Butler  entertained  inordinate  political  aspirations,  and 
it  was  apparent  that  he  was  bending  every  effort  to  secure 
such  popularity  as  would  lead  to  his  being  nominated  for 
President.  Of  course  under  the  influence  of  such  an  ambi 
tion  he  was  likely  to,  and  did,  mould  his  actions  largely 
toward  bringing  about  this  cherished  result. 

Gen.  Phelps,  in  his  letter,  extracts  from  which  I  have 
heretofore  given,  is  disposed  to  ascribe  Gen.  Butler's  attack 
upon  the  Seventh  largely  to  political  causes.  He  says,  among 
other  things,  *  *  *  "  It  is  evident  if  he,  Butler,  were 
"  to  run  for  the  Presidency  in  the  ensuing  election  of  1864, 
"  the  electoral  vote  of  Indiana  might  be  of  great  moment  to 


106  REFLECTIONS. 

"  him,  and  that  it  would  be  a  good  bargain  to  win  it  even  at 
"  the  expense  of  losing  the  Whig  vote  of  Vermont."  (See  p. 
13  supra.)  There  is  more,  than  may  at  first  seem,  in  this 
view.  The  complaints  against  the  Seventh,  it  will  be  re 
membered,  originated  wholly  with  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  Indiana  regiment.  No  fault  was  found  with  the  behavior 
of  our  regiment  by  any  of  the  other  troops  engaged  in  the 
action.  The  charges  against  it  were  also  pressed  exclusively 
by  the  Indiana  officers,  and  in  their  zeal  they  were  not  con 
tent  to  apply  for  redress  through  the  regular  channels,  but 
they  appealed  directly  to  Gen.  Butler,  whom  they  found  pre 
disposed  to  lend  them  a  willing  ear  and  hand,  and  who  be 
came  so  much  enlisted  in  their  behalf  as  to  actually  draft  an 
order  censuring  the  Seventh  without  even  informing  one 
of  its  members  of  his  purpose.  This  disgraceful  coup  de  main 
raises  a  strong  inference  that  Gen.  Butler  wished  to  curry 
favor  with  the  Indiana  officers,  even  at  the  expense  of  doing 
us  a  gross  injustice,  forasmuch  as  by  vindicating  the  imag 
inary  wrongs  of  the  Indiana  regiment,  he  would  secure  the 
friendship  of  its  officers  and  men,  and  might  possibly  win  the 
suffrages  of  the  people  of  that  State,  who  would  naturally  stand 
by  a  champion  so  bold  and  prompt  in  defending  their  soldiers. 
Again  some  unfavorable  comments  had  been  circulated  touch 
ing  the  behavior  of  Indiana  troops  in  the  Mexican  War,  and 
by  impugning  the  honor  of  a  regiment  from  some  other  State, 
Gen.  Butler  could  claim  credit  for  creating  an  offset  to  these 
unpleasant  charges  which  might  also  be  pleasing  to  the  peo 
ple  of  Indiana.  Again  it  was  important  that  he  should  dis 
play  his  capacities  as  a  disciplinarian  and  show  to  the  world 


REFLECTIONS.  107 

what  he  would  do  with  a  regiment  that  should  presume  to 
misbehave  in  the  face  of  the  enemy."* 

Vermont  not  being  as  important  a  State  in  a  political  sense, 
as  some  others,  it  was  tolerably  safe  to  carry  out  this  scheme 
by  making  one  of  her  regiments  the  victim.  I  don't  suppose 
there  is  anyone  credulous  enough  to  imagine  that  if  the  same 
charges  which  brought  us  to  grief,  had  been  preferred  against 
a  regiment  from  the  State  of  New  York,  or  for  that  matter, 
against  a  regiment  from  any  other  large  State,  that  the 
course  pursued  toward  the  Seventh  would  have  been  adopted. 
If  there  is  anyone  so  minded,  or  who  would  fain  believe 
that  Gen.  Butler  would  have  taken  such  summary  action  as 
he  did  against  the  Seventh,  going  even  to  the  length  of 
refusing  to  its  officers  and  men  the  common  justice  of  a 
hearing,  let  them  explain,  if  they  can,  why  it  was  that  Gen. 
Butler  did  not  reprove  Manning's  Battery  from  his  own 
State,  in  respect  to  whose  conduct  Col.  Dudley,  in  his  "  Official 
Beport,"  said :  *  *  *  « ft  was  compelled  to  fall  back, 
"  which  it  did  with  considerable  disorder,  leaving  one  piece 
"  and  a  caisson.  *  *  *  Lieut.  Whitemore,  Thirtieth 
"  Massachusetts  Volunteers  gallantly  dashed  through  the 
"  smoke  and  succeeded  in  bringing  off  the  caisson."  And  of 
whom  Col.  Fullam  said  :  "  I  sent  a  Sergeant  and  twenty-nine 
"  men  at  request  of  an  officer  of  Manning's  Battery  to  bring 
"  off  a  caisson."  (See  p.  7,  supra.)  Or  why  it  was  he  did 
not  censure  the  Ninth  Connecticut  Volunteers,  whose  Lieu- 

*  It  was  currently  reported  at  the  time  that  Gen.  Butler  stated  that  as  his  force  was 
small  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  disgrace  at  least  one  regiment,  that  his  troops 
should  know  how  sternly  he  would  deal  with  them  for  misbehavor.  Doubt'ess  he 
intended  to  inspire  them  with  the  same  fear  and  dread  of  him  as  had  then  siezed  upon 
the  women  and  non-combatants  of  the  city. 


108  REFLECTIONS. 

tenant-Colonel  in  his  report  of  its  operations,  among  other 
things,  says :  "  The  regiment  marched  along  a  road,  *  *  * 
"  until  coming  within  range  of  the  enemy's  guns,  and  receiv- 
"  ing  a  shower  of  grape  and  canister  fled  off  and  formed 
ft  line  of  battle  in  a  cornfield  on  the  right  of  the  road." 
These  little  evidences  of  disorder  were  not,  I  admit,  under 
the  circumstances,  discreditable  to  either  Manning's  Bat 
tery,  or  to  the  Ninth  Connecticut,  but  they  were  just  as 
grave  offences  as  were  those  charged  against  our  regiment, 
and  upon  the  strength  of  which  Gen.  Butler  accused  it  of 
"  breaking  in  confusion." 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  no  sensible  man,  familiar 
with  the  history  of  Vermont  troops,  will  believe  that  a  body 
of  Green  Mountain  Boys  would,  under  any  circumstances, 
be  guilty  of  such  gross  misbehavior  as  that  imputed  to  the 
Seventh  by  Gen.  Butler.  The  thought  that  even  the  rem 
nants  of  a  sick  and  dispirited  regiment  hailing  from  the 
glorious  old  State  of  Vermont  would  take  to  its  heels  and 
run  to  the  rear  in  battle,  or  would  refuse  to  obey  orders  to 
march  to  the  aid  of  their  sorely  pressed  comrades,  or  would 
abandon  their  colors  in  action,  is  as  unnatural  as  it  is  abhor 
rent.  Such  conduct  in  no  way  comports  with  the  history  of 
the  people  or  soldiers  of  Vermont.  The  record  made  by 
Vermont  troops  in  the  late  war  is  historic  and  grand.  The 
officers  and  men  who  made  up  her  battalions  sprang  from  the 
same  common  ancestry.  Substantially  the  same  physical  and 
mental  qualities  predominated  in  all  the  regiments.  The 
same  essences  of  character  and  courage  prevailed  in  the 
Seventh  as  in  the  other  Vermont  regiments.  Is  there  any- 


REFLECTIONS.  109 

one  who,  for  a  moment,  will  contend  that  the  Seventh  con 
tained  nothing  but  poltroons  and  cowards,  while  all  other 
regiments  drawn  from  the  same  general  community,  and 
from  the  same  general  stock,  were  comprised  only  of  heroes 
and  patriots?  Such  an  idea  is,  of  course,  absurd,  and  yet  to 
credit  the  accusations  made  by  Gen.  Butler,  a  course  of 
reasoning  equally  nonsensical  must  be  indulged  in. 

The  fact  is  that  Gen.  Butler  was  egregiously  in  the  wrong. 
His  charges — with  the  single  exception  of  the  one  relating 
to  firing  into  the  Indiana  regiment — had  no  semblance  of 
truth  as  a  foundation,  and  he  was  subsequently  forced  to 
admit,  publicly,  that  he  had  made  one  blunder,  and  had  done 
the  regiment  great  injustice  in  at  least  one  important  par 
ticular.  In  his  General  Order  No.  98  he  says  that  he  was 
"  led  into  a  mistake  by  the  official  reports  *  *  *  as  to 
"  the  loss  by  the  Seventh  of  its  regimental  colors,"  etc. 

It  is  said  that  "an  honest  confession  is  good  for  the  soul," 
and  we  were  thankful  that  Gen.  Butler  could  make  even  one 
acknowledgment  of  the  wrong  he  had  done  us,  although  had 
he  been  candid  he  would,  at  the  same  time,  have  admitted, 
as  he  has  since  informally  stated,  that  he  was  in  error  in 
every  other  respect.  But  for  present  purposes  it  will  suffice 
to  refer  to  his  concession  in  Order  No.  98.  It  already  ap 
pears  that  there  was  no  "  official  report "  showing  that  the 
Seventh  had  lost  or  left  on  the  field  its  regimental  colors,  and 
that  the  only  "  official  report  "  which  in  any  way  alluded  to  the 
colors  of  the  Seventh,  was  that  of  Capt.  Manning  wherein  he 
speaks  simply  of  "  camp  colors."  Had  Gen.  Butler  read  this 
"  official  report  "  with  ordinary  attention,  he  could  not  have 


110         PREELECTIONS — GEN.    SHERIDAN'S    VINDICATION. 

failed  to  observe  the  distinction,  and  it  therefore  follows  that 
he  was  either  very  stupid  or  else  practiced  a  falsification  in 
seeking  to  convey  the  impression  by  his  Order  No.  62,  that 
the  Seventh  had  abandoned  its  regimental  flag. 

There  is  a  maxim  of  the  law,   "  Falsus  in  uno,  falsus  in 
omnibus" — False  in  one  thing,  false  in  everything — which  is 
often  applied  in  weighing  evidence,  the  -rule  being  that  where 
one   deliberately  or  knowingly  distorts  the  truth  as    to  any 
one  material  fact,  all  his  statements  may  be  disbelieved  un 
less  corroborated.     This  principle  is  applicable  to  the  case  in 
hand;  and  if  put  to  use,  Gen.  Butler  having,  by  his  own  ad 
mission,  been  caught  in  at  least  one  act  of  falsification  or 
distortion  of  the  truth,  ought  not  to  be  believed  in  any  par 
ticular-.     Indeed,  to  any  fair  mind  it  must  be  apparent,  with 
out  invoking  such  a  rule,  that  the  Seventh  was  most  unfairly 
and  unjustly  dealt  with  by  Gen.  Butler;  and  I  think,  too,  it 
must  be  evident  that  had  he  made  an  impartial  examination 
of   the  complaints  emanating   from  the   Indiana  regiment, 
giving  us  a  fair  opportunity  to  be  heard,  before  taking  action 
upon  them,  he  would  never  have  had  occasion  to  censure  or 
reprimand  the  regiment  for  the  part  it  took  in  the  battle  of 
Baton  Rouge,  but  on  the  contrary,  would  have  found  that 
the  conduct  of  the  officers  and  men  was  highly  praiseworthy 
and  commendable.  There  was  much  of  the  " irony  of  fate"  in 
our  experience  under  Gen.  Butler.    But  the  reparation  which 
he  refused  to  make  subsequently  came  to  us  at  the  hands  of  the 
gallant  and  illustrious  Sheridan,  who  gave  the  regiment  a 
full  vindication.      A  Board  of  Officers  not  convened  by,  and 
not  amenable  to  Gen.  Butler,  made  a  report  concerning  the 


GEN.  SHERIDAN'S  VINDICATION.  Ill 

services  of  the  Seventh  at  Baton  Bouge,  which  led  to  the 
promulgation  of  the  following  order  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  GULF, 
"  NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  July  10th,  1866. 
"General  Order  No.  12 

"  In  compliance  with  the  requirements  of  General  Order 
"  No.  19,  1862,  from  the  War  Department,  and  in  accord- 
"  ance  with  the  reports  of  Boards  convened  to  examine  into 
"  the  services  rendered  by  the  troops,  concerned,  and  by 
"  authority  of  the  Lieutenant-General  commanding  the  Armies 
"  of  the  United  States.  It  is  hereby  ordered  that  there  shall 
11  be  inscribed  upon  the  colors  of  the  following  regiments  the 
"  names  of  battles  in  which  they  have  borne  a  meritorious 
"  part  as  hereinafter  specified. 

[EXTRACT.] 

11  Seventh  Vermont  Veteran  Volunteer  Infantry : 

"  Siege  of  Vicksburg,  Gonzales  Station, 

"  Baton  Bouge,  Spanish  Fort, 

"  Whistler, 

11  By  command, 

"  MAJ.-GEN.  B.  H.  SHERIDAN. 
"  GEO.  LEE,  A.  A.  Gen. 


CHAPTER  Y. 


CAMP  WILLIAMS INCREASED    MORTALITY    IN    THE    REGIMENT 

— CAMP     KEARNY NEW     ORLEANS DEPARTURE      FOR 

FLORIDA EXPERIENCE      ON      STEAMER      NASSAU- 
ARRIVAL    AT    PENSACOLA GEN.    NEAL     DOW- 
BILLY    WILSON'S   ZOUAVES — ADVANTAGES 

OF    PENSACOLA    AS   A    SANITARY    POST 
— CURIOUS    DEFENCES. 

1BEZ, 


4 AMP  WILLIAMS,  as  I  have  already  stated,  was  situ 
ated  in  a  very  unhealthy  locality.  As  Dr.  Blanchard 
describes  it,  the  encampments  were  placed  "  upon  a  strip  of 
"  solid  ground  of  some  few  hundred  yards  in  width  on  all 
"  sides  of  which  was  a  formation  or  combination,  peculiar  to 
"  the  lower  Mississippi,  of  soil  or  black  clay  and  water  in 
"  varying  proportions,  whose  products,  both  animal  and  veg- 
"  etable,  were  numerous  beyond  conception,  and  rank  and 
"  offensive  beyond  description.  Eepeated  representations  of 
"  the  terrible  effect  to  health  and  the  alarmingly  high  and 
"  rapidly  increasing  rate  of  mortality  in  the  command,  occa- 
u  sioned  by  exposure  to  the  poisonous  atmosphere  and  deadly 


CAMP   WILLIAMS.  113 

"  surroundings  of  this  miasmatic  locality,  were  made  by  the 
11  medical  officers  to  the  Commanding  General  without  avail, 
"  and  for  a  month  or  more  the  men  were  left  in  these  noxious 
"  encampments,  exposed  to  the  scorching  heat  of  an  August 
"  and  September  sun,  so  peculiarly  intense  in  Louisiana,  and 
"  surrounded  with  all  this  reeking  rottenness  and  corruption, 
"  until  absolute  annihilation  threatened  us,  when  at  last,  but 
"  too  late  to  save  many  valuable  lives,  we  were  ordered  to 
"  an  open  space  nearer  the  river." 

I  doubt  if  a  more  unhealthy  spot  could  have  been  selected 
for  camps  anywhere  in  the  vicinity  of  that  most  unhealthy 
of  places,  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  and  had  the  much  dreaded 
"  yellow  jack  "  made  its  appearance,  I  very  much  fear  the 
"  absolute  annihilation  "  with  which  we  were  threatened 
would  have  actually  been  brought  to  pass  instead  of  proving 
to  be  but  an  impending  danger.  As  it  was,  our  experience 
was  a  most  severe  and  dreadful  one.  During  the  day  the 
atmosphere  was  exceedingly  close  and  muggy,  and  although 
we  had  frequent  and  often  times  almost  a  continual  succession 
of  thunder  storms,  the  air  was  not  cooled  or  purified,  but  on 
the  contrary  these  rain-falls  only  increased  its  humidity  and 
heaviness.  At  night  and  in  the  early  morning  we  Avere 
enveloped,  as  we  were  at  Vicksburg,  in  a  thick  watery  mist, 
and  the  stench  from  the  surrounding  swamps  was  intolerable. 
All  the  drinking  and  cooking  water  was  brought  from  the 
Mississippi,  some  two  and  one  half  miles  distant.  But  owing 
to  the  condition  of  the  direct  road  leading  to  the  river,  which 
was  rendered  almost  impassable  by  the  heavy  rains,  much 
of  the  water  had  to  be  transported  five  or  six  miles  by  cir- 


114  CAMP   WILLIAMS. 

cuitous  routes,  and  the  result  was  that  our  wants  were  but 
imperfectly  supplied,  and  not  unfrequently  the  men  were 
obliged  to  use  the  waters  from  a  bayou  running  in  front  of 
our  camp.  As  might  have  been  expected  the  sick  list  in 
creased  with  alarming  rapidity  and  to  add  to  the  horror  of 
our  situation  the  death  rate  kept  at  an  almost  even  pace  with 
it.  It  was  not  an  uncommon  thing  for  men  to  fall  dead  in 
their  tracks,  and  numerous  instances  can  be  recalled  of  men 
who  fell  dead  on  the  banks  of  the  bayou,  with  the  fatal  waters, 
of  which  they  had  sought  to  quench  their  fevered  thirst. 

At  the  time  we  reached  Camp  Williams  the  seeds  of  disease 
had  been  planted  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  every  system, 
and  it  seemed  to  us  rather  hard  that  our  vitality  should  be 
still  further  sapped  by  being  sent  to  such  an  unhealthy 
locality.  Other  troops  who  had  been  comfortably  quartered 
in  the  city  and  its  vicinity  and  who  had  not  been  exposed, 
or  compelled  to  undergo  any  severe  strains  we  thought  should 
have  been  selected  for  such  service.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
had  our  regiment  been  sent  to  a  healthy  spot  immediately  on 
our  return  from  Baton  Rouge,  many  lives  would  have  been 
saved  and  many  who  were  obliged  to  return  to  their  homes 
shattered  by  disease,  and  disabled  with  chronic  complaints, 
would  have  been  restored  to  health  and  duty.  But  that  was 
not  to  be,  we  were  forced  to  remain  at  Camp  Williams  until 
September  30th,  when  we  moved  our  quarters  to  "  Camp 
Kearny "  a  short  distance  below  Carrolton  which  was  a 
slightly  more  desirable  and  healthy  place.  On  the  4th  of 
November  we  again  moved  to  the  city  of  New  Orleans  taking 
up  our  quarters  at  the  Jackson  Cotton  Press  in  the  lower 


CATHOLIC   HOSPITALS— DEPASTURE   FOR   FLORIDA.      115 

part  of  the  city.  We  had  been  there  but  a  few  days  when 
we  were  ordered  to  Pensacola,  Florida.  In  the  meantime  I 
was  detailed  on  a  military  commission  but  was  almost 
immediately  taken  sick  with  remittent  fever  resulting 
from  continuous  exposure  and  arduous  labors,  and  was 
obliged  to  go  to  the  "  Hotel  Dieu "  where  I  was  most 
kindly  cared  for  and  treated  by  the  Sisters  of  Charity, 
under  whose  direction  it  was  managed,  and  in  a  short 
time  recovered  my  health.  I  refer  to  this  circumstance 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  calling  attention  to  these  hospitals. 
Many  of  the  officers  and  men,  not  only  of  our  own  regiment, 
but  of  the  entire  command  can  testify  to  the  excellent  manner 
in  which  these  institutions  were  managed,  and  to  the  uniform 
kindness  with  which  these  Sisters  of  Mercy  treated  our  sol 
diers  while  under  their  care.  Never,  to  my  knowledge,  were 
the  doors  of  one  of  these  asylums  closed  to  any  of  our  men, 
however  humble  his  rank,  or  whatever  might  be  his  faith  or 
creed.  All  were  treated  with  equal  attention  and  skill.  The 
attending  physicians  were  men  of  experience  and  ability  and 
no  better  nurses  could  be  found  in  any  hospitals  than  were 
these  votaries  of  the  Catholic  religion. 

On  the  13th  of  November  the  regiment,  under  the  command 
of  Major  Porter,  embarked  on  the  steamer  "  Nassau,"  and 
took  its  departure  for  the  land  of  "  Sun  and  Flowers."  The 
"  Nassau  "  was  not  designed  for  a  transport,  being  nothing 
more  than  a  large  sized  tug-boat.  The  men  in  consequence 
were  stowed  and  packed  away  "  like  herrings."  Most  of  them 
were  obliged  to  stand  or  lie  on  the  upper  deck  during  the 
entire  voyage  for  want  of  sufficient  space  elsewhere.  To  add 


116  VOYAGE   TO    PENSACOLA — INCIDENT. 

to  their  discomforts  they  encountered  wet  and  heavy  weather 
immediately  after  leaving  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  so 
that  all  hands  were  drenched  to  the  skin  until  they  reached 
Pensacola.  When  off  the  entrance  to  Mobile  Bay,  in  the 
middle  of  the  night,  the  "  Nassau  "  was  suddenly  brought  to 
her  bearings  by  a  round  shot,  which  passed  just  ahead  of  her 
bows,  and  which  it  was  discovered  came  from  one  of  our  own 
gunboats.  She  was  immediately  brought  to,  when  it  was 
ascertained  that  she  was  inside  of  our  blockading  squadron, 
and  heading  directly  toward  Fort  Morgan,  then  in  the  hands 
of  the  rebels.  It  was  at  once  suspected  that  the  captain 
was  untrue,  and  intended  running  his  boat  under  the  guns 
of  the  fort,  where  all  on  board  would  probably  have  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  captain  however  pro 
tested  his  innocence,  claiming  that  in  the  darkness  he  had 
mistaken  his  course.  At  that  time  there  were  no  lights  kept 
up  anywhere  on  the  Southern  coast,  the  rebels  having  either 
demolished  the  light-houses  or  extinguished  the  lights,  so 
that  it  was  not  an  infrequent  occurrence  for  navigators  to 
lose  their  reckonings  at  night  in  dark  or  stormy  weather. 
There  were  no  means  of  determining  definitely  whether  the 
captain  was  unfaithful  or  not,  and  so,  after  giving  him  to 
understand  that  his  life  would  pay  the  penalty  of  any 
attempted  treachery,  Major  Porter  directed  him  to  proceed 
to  his  destination.  On  the  morning  of  the  14th  the  "  Nassau  " 
reached  Pensacola,  with  as  wet  and  disgusted  a  lot  of  men  as 
can  well  be  imagined.  A  considerable  portion  of  our  number 
were  sick,  and  the  severe  exposure  and  discomforts  of  the  trip 
were  not  calculated  to  aid  or  benefit  these  invalids.  At  that 


FENSACOLA — GEN.    NEAL    DOW.  11 

time  it  was  customary  to  issue  rations  of  whiskey  to  the  men 
whenever  they  had  been  subjected  to  any  unusual  exposure 
or  toil,  and  accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  regiment  disembarked 
and  got  fairly  into  quarters,  Major  Porter  made  requisition 
for  a  suitable  allowance  of  whiskey  for  his  command.  But  the 
Commander  of  the  Post  happened  to  be  that  redoubtable 
warrior  and  sanguinary  hero,  Gen.  Neal  Dow,  author  of 
the  Maine  Liquor  Law,  who  utterly  refused  to  approve  of 
the  requisition,  on  the  ground  that  he  did  not  believe  in 
the  efficacy  of  spirits  in  any  case.  The  result  was  that  the 
men  got  no  stimuli  through  the  regular  channel,  but  I  have 
reason  to  think  a  supply  was  obtained  notwithstanding  Gen. 
Dow's  compunctions.  This  great  apostle  of  temperance,  I 
am  happy  to  say,  was  not  destined  to  tarry  long  with  us,  for 
in  a  few  weeks  he  was  ordered  to  New  Orleans,  and  assigned 
to  a  command  near  that  city,  where,  if  reports  were  true, 
his  attachment  for  silver  spoons  became  almost  as  great  as 
that  which  Gen.  Butler  is  reputed  to  have  had. 

Gen.  Dow,  while  in  command  at  Pensacola,  had  discovered 
a  great  fondness  for  pianos  and  miscellaneous  articles  of 
furniture,  of  which  he  had  a  large  and  interesting  collection 
at  his  quarters.  Numerous  predatory  raids  had  been  made 
into  the  adjoining  towns;  and  when  we  reached  Pensacola 
it  was  said  that  the  looting  had  been  so  effective  that  but 
little  if  any  valuable  furniture  was  left  in  all  Western  Florida, 
Subsequently,  near  Port  Hudson,  this  pseudo  General  was 
taken  prisoner.  It  was  reported  that  the  rebels  offered  to 
exchange  him  for  six  pianos,  but  the  proposition  seems  not 
to  have  been  accepted,  and  he  was,  I  believe,  afterwards  ex 
changed  in  the  regular  way. 


118  "BILLY"  WILSON'S  ZOUAVES. 

Shortly  after  our  arrival  at  Pensacola,  "Billy"  Wilson's 
Zouaves,  then  stationed  at  Pensacola,  were  ordered  to  New 
Orleans.  This  regiment  had  an  unsavory  reputation,  and 
was  generally  supposed  to  be  made  up  of  thieves,  plug- 
uglies  and  other  dangerous  characters  gathered  from  the 
slums  of  New  York  City.  While  there  were  desperate 
men  in  the  regiment,  it  contained  some  good  material,  and 
on  the  whole  compared  favorably  in  discipline  and  esprit  de 
corps  with  some  other  regiments  recruited  in  the  large  cities. 
But  little  sympathy,  however,  existed  between  this  regiment 
and  Gen.  Dow.  His  temperance  proclivities  did  rot  accord 
with  the  bacchanalian  habits  of  its  rank  and  file,  and  his 
efforts  to  stop  their  "tod"  was  resented  in  a  forcible  and 
outspoken  manner.  When  the  order  was  received  for  the 
regiment  to  proceed  to  New  Orleans,  it  was  given  out  that 
the  men  would  "make  Rome  howl"  on  the  night  before  their 
departure.  No  one  except  Gen.  Dow  supposed  anything 
serious  was  contemplated,  but  he  seemed  to  be  impressed 
with  the  idea  that  these  threats  would  be  literally  executed. 
Accordingly  the  men  of  our  regiment  were  directed  to  sleep 
on  their  arms.  Two  companies  were  also  detailed  as  an  ad 
ditional  guard  at  the  General's  house,  and  several  extra 
patrols  were  sent  out  to  apprehend  all  roysterers  and  soldiers 
outside  their  quarters.  The  night,  however,  was  a  quiet  and 
peaceful  one,  and  the  next  morning  "Billy  Wilson"  and  the 
*' Bloody  Sixth"  departed,  seemingly,  to  the  great  delight  of 
Gen.  Dow. 

Pensacola  like  most  other  towns  on  the  Florida  coast  is 
entirely  free  from  malaria.  The  soil  in  the  vicinity  is  of  a 


PENSACOLA  AS  A  SANITARY  STATION.        119 

dry  sandy  character,  and  the  surrounding  country  is  an  "  open 
piney  woods."     The  climate  we  found  equable  and  generally 
pleasant.     The  air  was  pure  and,  in   our  condition,  highly 
invigorating.      The  effects  of  this  change  from  the  malarious 
banks  of  the  Mississippi  were  decidedly  favorable  upon  the 
health  and  spirits  of  our  men,  and  were  perceptible  at  once, 
notwithstanding  for  the  first  two  or  three  months  after  our 
arrival  the  death  rate  ran   very  high.     This   however  was 
inevitable  as  the  serious  maladies   contracted  by  so  many  on 
the  river  campaign  would  have  proved  fatal  in   any  locality, 
even  could  the  sick  have  been  transported  to  their  native 
air.     The  diseases  most  prevalent  at  that  time  were  chronic 
diarroehea,    swamp   fevers   and   pneumonia.      The   resinous 
elements  in  the  atmosphere  were  particularly  conducive  to 
the  recovery  of  those  affected  with  the  latter  trouble.     In  a 
sanitary  point  of  view    Pensacola   was  probably  the   most 
desirable  situation  in  the  Department  as  a   station   for   a 
regiment  conditioned  as  ours  was. 

The  following  tabular  statement  of  deaths  in  the  regiment, 
and  of  those  discharged  therefrom  for  disability,  in  each  year 
from  1862  to  1866,  both  inclusive,  shows  that  our  ranks 
were  much  more  severely  winnowed  and  decimated  by  death 
and  disease  in  1862  than  in  all  the  other  years  of  our  service 
put  together,  and  also  shows  how  rapidly  the  regiment  im 
proved  after  reaching  Florida : 


120 


TABULAR  STATEMENTS. 


DEATHS. 


1862 

1863 

1864 

1865 

1866      TOTAL. 

Commissioned  Officers,   . 

4 

2 

i 

— 

— 

7 

Non         "                 " 

i 

— 

i 

— 

— 

2 

Company  A,    . 

26 

I 

2 

3 

I 

33 

B, 

32 

2 

9 

2 

— 

45 

C,    .         ... 

U 

5 

— 

4 

— 

23 

D, 

20 

3 

i 

3 

— 

27 

E,    . 

36 

i 

4 

7 

— 

48 

F,          . 

24 

— 

3 

3 

— 

30 

G,    . 

31 

6 

5 

3 

— 

45 

H, 

44 

5 

4 

4 

— 

57 

I,      . 

37 

3 

3 

4 

— 

47 

K, 

26 

3 

6 

8 

— 

43 

TOTAL, 

295 

3i 

39 

4i 

I 

407 

And  by  the  following  Tabular  Statement  it  will  be 
seen  that  more  men  were  discharged  for  disability  in 
1863  than  in  1862.  Nearly  every  one  of  these  dis 
charges,  however,  was  occasioned  by  sickness  incurred  in 
1862  before  we  went  to  Florida,  and  hence  should  properly  be 
included  in  our  losses  of  that  year.  It  will  also  be  seen  that 
in  companies  C  and  D  there  were  fewer  deaths  than  in  the 
other  companies.  None  of  the  men  of  C  (except  I  think  the 
color  guard)  and  but  a  portion  (a  little  over  one-half)  of  D 


TABULAR   STATEMENTS COMMENTS. 


121 


company  took  part  in  the  expedition  to  Vicksburg,  which, 
probably  accounts  for  this  fact. 

DISCHARGED    FOR   DISABILITY. 


1862 

1863 

1864 

1865 

1866 

TOTAL. 

Commissioned  Officers,  . 

— 

— 

— 

3 

— 

3 

Non         " 

— 

i 

r 

— 

— 

2 

Company  A,   . 

8 

10 

i 

i 

— 

2O 

B,          . 

8 

8 

i 

4 

— 

21 

C,    . 

7 

8 

— 

3 

— 

18 

D, 

9 

9 

3 

2 

— 

23 

E,     . 

12 

ii 

2 

4 

— 

29 

F,          . 

12 

13 

3 

3 

— 

31 

G,    . 

II 

7 

— 

2 

— 

20 

"        H,        .        . 

9 

10 

4 

I 

— 

24 

I,      . 

7 

8 

3 

3 

— 

21 

K, 

ii 

15 

1 

_^ 

— 

30 

TOTAL, 

94 

100 

!9 

29 

— 

242 

RECAPITULATION. 
Total  Number  of  Deaths, 
Total  Number  Discharged  for   Disability, 


407 
242 


TOTAL,        .  .  649 

We  were  able  also  to  get  much  more  wnolesome  food  than 
any  with  which  we  had  been  supplied  since  leaving  Vermont. 
Fish  and  game  were  abundant,  and  the  beef,  which  was 
brought  to  us  on  steamers  direct  from  the  North,  was  of  a 


122  UNIQUE   DEFENCES. 

superior  quality.  We  were  also  able  to  get  fruits  and  vege 
tables  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  in  their  season. 

At  the  time  we  reached  Pensacoia,  Gen.  Dow  was  in  a 
great  ferment  over  an  anticipated  attack  from  the  enemy,  and 
as  soon  as  we  were  fairly  disembarked  our  men  were  set  to 
work  constructing  a  stockade,  skirted  by  a  sort  of  chevaux  de 
frieze,  in  front  of  our  quarters  and  also  in  completing  other 
unique  barricades  and  defences  devised  by  this  doughty  com 
mander  against  a  possible  "  surprise."  A  most  comical  affair 
in  the  shape  of  a  redoubt  was  built  out  of  wood  and  sand  near 
the  cemetery.  None  of  us  were  ever  able  to  discover  the  im 
portance  of  fortifying  this  point,  as  the  entire  country  in 
its  immediate  front  was  commanded  by  our  own  artillery  and 
the  guns  of  the  fleet.  But  it  was  not  for  us  to 

"  Reason  why 

"  T'was  ours  but  to  do  and  die." 

and  so  the  lamented  Capt.  Croft,  I  believe  it  was,  received 
instructions  to  destroy  the  headstones  and  monuments  in  this 
ancient  "  Burial  Acre,"  and  to  demolish  the  fences  surround 
ing  it  lest  the  enemy  should  be  protected,  or  our  fire  ob 
structed  thereby.  So  unnecessary  an  act  of  vandalism 
excited  great  ridicule  and  disgust,  and  the  order  for  its  exe 
cution  was  never  fully  carried  out. 

On  the  29th  of  December  the  regiment  with  other  troops 
took  part  in  an  armed  reconnoisance  to  Oakfield,  a  small  set 
tlement  about  five  miles  outside  our  lines,  under  the  personal 
command  of  Gen.  Dow.  The  enemy  not  being  found  there, 
and  no  furniture  having  been  discovered,  the  "  object  of  the 
expedition  "  was  declared  to  have  been  "  accomplished  "  and 
we  returned  to  our  quarters  without  important  incidents. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


DEATH     OF    LIEUT.    FRENCH — SCOUTING   AND    ALARMS — SKIR 
MISH   AT   OAKFIELD — SANTA    ROSA    ISLAND — FORT    PICK- 
ENS — EVACUATION     OF     PENSACOLA — BARRANCAS — 

CAMP    ROBERTS PICKET    DUTY — CAPTURE     OF 

PRISONERS  AT  PENSACOLA  BY  CAPT.  YOUNG 

— ACCIDENT     AT     REDOUBT YELLOW 

FEVER— REFUGEES  AND  DESERT 
ERS — ARRIVAL      OF      GEN. 
ASBOTH. 


1BB3, 

Early  in  January  Lieut.  Henry  H.  French,  of  Company  H, 
succumbed  to  an  attack  of  fever,  brought  on  by  exposure  and 
toil  on  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  and  on  the  20th  died.  He 
scarcely  was  twenty-one  years  of  age,  but  was  ambitious 
and  anxious  to  succeed  in  the  profession  which  he  had 
adopted,  and  apparently  had  a  bright  and  useful  career  before 
him. 

"  Death  takes  us  by  surprise,' 

And  stays  our  hurrying  feet; 
The  great  design  unfinished  lies — 
Our  lives  are  incomplete.'' 

His  remains  were  sent  to  Vermont  for  interment. 


124  ALARMS — SKIRMISH   AT    OAKFIELD. 

About  this  time  Major  Porter  was  detailed  on  Staff  duty 
in  New  Orleans,  and  as  assistant  Provost  Marshal  received 
much  credit  for  his  efficiency  and  ability. 

During  the  months  of  January  and  the  early  part  of  Feb 
ruary  frequent  scouting  parties  were  sent  out  in  the  direction 
of  Oakfield  to  keep  track  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and 
every  night  or  two  the  "  long  roll "  was  sounded,  and  we 
were  routed  out  to  take  position  behind  the  stockade.  On 
several  occasions,  during  the  day,  we  had  sham  fights,  taking 
up  different  positions  along  the  line  of  defences,  so  as  to 
accustom  the  men  to  their  duties  in  case  of  an  attack.  It 
was  evident  that  Gen.  Dow  meant  to  be  vigilant — a  most 
essential  quality  in  a  soldier.  But  the  frequency  with  which 
we  were  unnecessarily  turned  out  at  night,  by  false  alarms, 
led  us  to  think  that  such  persistent  and  oft-repeated  efforts 
to  make  the  men  prompt  and  watchful  would  have  just  the 
opposite  effect.  Fortunately,  however,  for  our  peace  of  mind 
at  night,  Gen.  Dow,  about  the  23d  of  January,  was  ordered 
to  New  Orleans.  Before  leaving  us  he  reviewed  the  entire 
command,  and  bade  us  an  affectionate  farewell,  with  the  in 
junction:  "Never  allow  yourselves  to  be  surprised" — an 
admonition  it  would  have  been  well  for  him  had  he  heeded 
on  the  occasion  of  his  capture.  On  the  17th  of  February 
Companies  B  and  G,  under  Capt.  Dutton,  with  some  other 
troops,  started  on  a  scout.  Just  before  reaching  Oakfield 
they  were  attacked  by  a  body  of  rebel  cavalry,  and  quite  a 
brisk  skirmish  ensued,  which  lasted  some  little  time,  bat 
finally  degenerated  into  a  running  fight,  until  Oakfield  was 
reached,  when  the  enemy  precipitately  retired.  Probably 


FLIGHT   OF   A   CHAPLAIN — ADVANTAGES   OF   ALPACA.    125 

their  retreat  was  not  more  rapid,  however,  than  that  execut 
ed  by  the  chaplain  of  one  of  the  Maine  regiments  and  a  cler 
ical  friend  from  our  advance  at  the  commencement  of  the 
combat.  It  seems  these  gentlemen  "  of  the  cloth"  desired 
to  accompany  the  expedition  for  the  novelty  of  the  experi 
ence,  and  so  each  had 

"  Buckled  to  his  slender  side 
The  pistol  and  the  simitar," 

resolved  to  perish,  if  need  be,  with  the  troops.  Unfor 
tunately,  however,  the  first  hostile  shot  came  very  close  to 
the  chaplain,  who  felt  his  valor  suddenly  oozing  out,  and 
thinking  no  doubt  of  the  couplet, 

"  Those  who  fly  may  fight  again, 
Which  he  can  never  do  that's  slain," 

"  let  out  his  last  link  "  and  without  ado  broke  for  our  bar 
ricades,  closely  followed  by  his  friend,  neither  of  whom 
stopped  until  they  were  safely  ensconced  in  camp,  where 
they  immediately  spread  the  most  ridiculous  reports  of  the 
sanguinary  character  of  the  engagement,  and  of  their  "  hair 
breadth  escape."  Upon  the  strength  of  these  statements  re 
inforcements  were  about  to  be  sent  out  when  a  courier  came 
in  with  information  which  made  that  step  unnecessary. 
The  Chaplain  was  attired  in  a  suit  of  black  alpaca  of  an  ex 
ceedingly  bright  and  shining  texture,  and  his  account  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  bullets  whistled  about  him  without 
hitting  his  person,  led  to  some  speculations  as  to  whether  a  ball 
fired  from  a  rifle  would  penetrate  alpaca,  it  being  contended 
by  some  that  the  Chaplain's  experience  had  demonstrated 


126      EVACUATION  OF  PENSACOLA — SANTA  ROSA  ISLAND. 

that  it  would  not,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  it  would  glance 
or  fly  off,  from  a  substance  so  glossy,  and  some  were  inclined 
to  the  belief  that  his  life  was  saved  by  his  "  outward  apparel." 
Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  the  Chaplain  was  jocularly  given 
the  appellation  of  "  Old  Bomb-proof,"  by  which  title  he  was- 
known  as  long  as  he  remained  in  the  command. 

About  the  middle  of  February,  orders  were  received 
to  evacuate  Pensacola.  This  was  a  wise  and  proper 
measure,  as  to  hold  the  place  quite  a  large  force 
was  required,  and  practically  the  same  strategic  results 
could  be  accomplished  by  removing  the  troops  to  Barrancas, 
which  position  was  susceptible  of  being  defended  by  a  much 
smaller  number.  Besides  at  the  latter  point  the  Navy  Yard 
at  "Warrenton  and  Wolsey  could  be  much  better  protected. 
Pensacola  harbor  is  very  spacious,  and  its  importance  as  a 
Naval  Station  alone  made  it  necessary  to  keep  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  stationed  at  and  around  the  forts  in  the  vicin 
ity.  The  Navy  Yard,  although  nearly  destroyed  by  the  rebels 
early  in  the  war,  was  made  the  Headquarters  of  the  West 
Gulf  Blockading  Squadron,  as  a  depot  for  coaling,  fitting-out 
and  repairing  vessels.  Consequently  large  supplies  of  naval 
stores  of  every  description  were  accumulated  there,  which 
afforded  a  standing  temptation  to  the  rebels  to  attempt  the 
capture  of  the  place. 

The  entrance  to  the  harbor  was  commanded  by  Fort  Pick- 
ens,  which  is  situated  on  the  westerly  extremity  of  Santa 
Eosa  Island.  On  the  20th  of  February  we  were  ordered  to 
proceed  to  this  fort,  which  we  accordingly  did,  taking  up  our 
quarters  outside  of  the  fort  in  a  camp  which  I  named  in 


SANTA    ROSA    ISLAND BARRANCAS.  127 

honor  of  Col.  Stoughton,  of  the  Fourth  Vermont,  under  whom 
I  first  served.  On  the  22d  of  March  Pensaoola  was  wholly 
abandoned;  and  on  the  28th  of  March,  companies  A,  D  and 
G  were  detailed  for  duty  as  artillerists  in  Fort  Pickens  which, 
up  to  that  time,  had  been  garrisoned  by  regulars  of  the  First 
and  Second  Artillery,  U.  S.  A.  Several  of  these  companies- 
were  ordered  to  report  to  Gen.  Banks  at  New  Orleans,  and 
hence  it  became  necessary  to  supply  their  places.  While  on 
Santa  E,osa  Island  nothing  of  note  occurred,  unless  the  con 
tinual  skirmish  we  were  obliged  to  keep  up  with  the  fleas,  is 
worthy  of  mention.  At  no  place  have  I  ever  known  these- 
annoying  insects  so  plentiful  or  voracious ;  and  we  all  realized 
the  truth  of  the  lines — 

—  a  flea 

Has  smaller  fleas  that  on  him  prey  ; 
And  these  have  smaller  still  to  bite  'em, 
And  so  increase  ad  infinitum" 

Eattlesnakes,  and  those  of  the  " copperhead"  breed,  were 
also  abundant,  which  did  not  at  all  add  to  our  comfort. 

On  the  19th  of  June  I  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
troops  in  West  Florida,  and  I  removed  all  of  the  regiment, 
except  companies  A,  D  and  G,  to  Barrancas,  where  an  at 
tractive  and  pleasant  encampment  was  formed,  and  which  was 
called  Camp  Roberts,  in  memory  of  our  lamented  and  gal 
lant  Colonel.  My  command  (the  honors  of  which  I  divided 
with  Lieut.- Col.  Peck),  at  that  time  consisted  only  of  my 
own  regiment  and  two  regular  companies  of  the  Second 
U.  S.  Artillery.  Afterward  we  were  reinforced  by  two 
colored  regiments  and  a  company  of  the  Fourteenth  New 


128  PICKET   DUTY — CAPT.    YOUNG'S    SCOUT. 

York  Cavalry.  About  this  time  companies  C  and  I  were  de 
tailed  to  garrison  Barrancas  Hedoubt,  which  was  situated 
but  a  short  distance  from  Fort  Barrancas,  then  occupied  by 
Capt.  Larned's  company  of  the  Second  U.  S.  Artillery.  The 
balance  of  the  regiment,  when  not  performing  picket  duty, 
were  kept  employed  drilling  or  in  perfecting  their  knowledge 
in  artillery  exercises,  which  it  was  necessary  they  should  be 
familiar  with,  as  in  repelling  an  attack  we  should  have  been 
obliged  to  rely  mainly  upon  the  batteries  which  we  erected 
at  different  points.  With  so  many  of  the  companies  de 
tached,  the  duty  of  guarding  properly  the  extended  line  we 
were  obliged  to  protect  was  no  light  undertaking,  and  the 
labors  of  the  men  were  consequently  very  arduous.  A  good 
deal  of  the  time  they  were  on  the  picket  line  every  other  day 
and  night,  and  in  the  interim  they  were  frequently  compelled 
to  work  on  the  fortifications,  as  the  rebels  were  quite  active 
in  our  front  and  constantly  threatening  us  with  an  attack, 
In  order  to  follow  their  movements  it  was  also  necessary  to 
send  out  scouting  parties  from  time  to  time. 

In  response  to  my  urgent  request  we  were  reinforced 
early  in  September  by  the  86th  U.  S.  Colored  Kegiment, 
Col.  Plumley  commanding.  Although  his  men  were  green 
and  inexperienced  they  relieved  us  of  a  good  deal  of  labor. 
But  it  was  some  little  time  before  I  deemed  it  safe  to  put 
them  in  dangerous  or  important  points  on  the  picket  line. 
On  the  6th  of  September  I  sent  out  a  reconnoitering  party 
under  Capt.  Mahlon  M.  Young  and  Lieut.  Jackson  Y.  Parker. 
The  rebel  cavalry  were  in  the  habit  of  riding  into  Pensacola 
with  impunity  and  visiting  one  Morino  the  Spanish  Counsel 


CAPTURE    OF   REBELS.  129 

who  resided  there,  and  who  entertained  them  with  much  hos 
pitality  and  from  whom  they  obtained  valuable  information 
as  to  our  strength  and  condition  and  as  to  the  movements  of 
the  vessels  of  the  fleet.  Morino  was  accredited  to  our  gov 
ernment,  and  when  Pensacola  was  abandoned  we  offered  him 
every  facility  to  remove  his  Consulate  within  our  lines,  but 
being  a  native  of  Pensacola,  and  an  arrant  rebel,  he  preferred 
not  to  give  up  his  residence  there.  His  reasons  for  this  were 
obvious.  By  remaining  at  Pensacola  he  was  in  a  position  to 
gain  much  important  intelligence  concerning  our  plans  and 
contemplated  operations  which  he  could  and  did  communi 
cate  to  the  enemy.  I  resolved,  if  possible,  to  put  a  stop  to 
these  illicit  practices,  or  at  all  events  to  make  it  hazardous 
for  the  rebels  to  ride  openly  into  the  town.  Capt.  Young 
was  accordingly  directed  to  "  lay  low  "  for  one  of  these  junk 
eting  parties.  On  reaching  the  outskirts  of  Pensacola  he 
concealed  his  command  in  the  woods  until  after  nightfall 
when  he  occupied  one  of  the  redoubts  thrown  up  by  Gen. 
Dow  from  which  he  was  able  to  observe  the  approaches  to 
the  town  without  disclosing  the  presence  of  his  command. 
The  next  morning  he  discovered  a  squad  of  the  enemy's  cav 
alry  approaching,  consisting  of  two  officers  and  six  enlisted 
men,  who  after  examining  the  hollows  and  bushes  and  appar 
ently  satisfying  themselves  that  there  were  no  "  Yanks  "  about 
rode  directly  by  his  place  of  concealment  and  proceeded  to 
Morino's,  where  they  dismounted  and  entered  his  house,  without 
taking  the  precaution  of  throwing  out  a  single  picket.  This 
enabled  Capt.  Young  to  surround  the  house  and  cut  off  all 
means  of  retreat,  which  was  speedily  done,  whereupon  he 


130        INTERFERENCE  OF  SPANISH  CONSUL. 

suddenly  appeared  before  the  astonished  rebels,  and  demanded 
their  instant  surrender.  They  offered  no  resistance,  and 
were  accordingly  made  prisoners.  It  seems,  however,  that 
one  Capt.  Wade,  a  naval  swab,  commanding  a  guard  boat  in 
the  harbor,  happened  to  be  at  the  Consulate  at  the  time- 
under  an  illegitimate  flag  of  truce,  and  at  the  instigation  of 
Morino  he  was  induced  to  protest  against  the  apprehension 
of  the  rebels  on  the  false  theory  that  they  too  had  entered 
the  town  under  a  flag  of  truce,  and  were  consequently  en 
titled  to  immunity  from  arrest.  Capt.  Young  soon  dispelled 
this  illusion  by  pointing  out  that,  before  entering  the  town, 
the  rebels  had  carefully  surveyed  the  approaches,  and  then 
carried  no  flag  of  truce.  Thereupon  Morino  bethought  him 
self  that  he  could  secure  their  escape  by  claiming  that  they 
were  protected  by  the  flag  of  Spain,  inasmuch  as  they  were 
on  the  grounds  of  the  Consulate  when  taken.  Of  course  this- 
was  absurd,  nevertheless  Wade  sided  with  Morino,  and  in 
sisted  that  the  rebels  should  be  given  up,  and  threatened  to 
call  a  boat's  crew  to  prevent  their  being  taken  away.  He- 
had  tackled  the  wrong  man  however,  for  Capt.  Young  clung 
to  and  brought  in  his  prisoners  in  spite  of  Wade's  swagger. 
In  a  few  days  I  received  a  communication  from  Morino,  in 
which  he  claimed  that  the  rebels  should  be  released,  and  that 
to  retain  them  would  be  a  gross  infraction  of  the  "  law  of 
nations  "  and  an  insult  to  Spain,  under  whose  flag  they  were 
harbored  at  the  time  of  their  capture,  and  stated  that  he- 
had  laid  the  matter  before  the  Spanish  Embassador  at  Wash 
ington.  A  week  or  so  later  some  cavalrymen  appeared  in 
front  of  our  lines  with  a  letter  from  Gen.  Maury,  Commander 


CAPT.  YOUNG'S  PRISONERS — SURRENDER  DEMANDED.     131 

of  the  Confederate  forces  at  Mobile,  wherein  he  peremptorily 
demanded  a  return  of  the  prisoners,  on  the  ground  that  they 
bore  a  flag  of  truce  and  were  "  under  the  protection  of  the 
Spanish  flag"  when  taken,  and  that  their  capture  was  there 
fore  in  violation  of  the  rules  of  "  civilized  warfare."  I  posi 
tively  refused  to  give  up  the  captives,  and  informed  both 
Morino  and  Gen.  Maury  that  a  Consular  Agent  accredited 
to  the  United  States  Government  who  persisted  in  remaining 
within  the  lines  of  its  enemies,  could  give  no  protection  to 
such  enemies,  and  that  his  protests  were  entitled  to  no  con 
sideration  whatever.  I  never  again  heard  from  either,  nor 
did  I  ever  learn  that  the  Spanish  Government  considered 
either  Capt.  Young's  act  in  taking,  or  mine  in  retaining  the 
prisoners,  as  a  easus  belli.  I  had  the  satisfaction,  however, 
of  learning  that  open  communications  between  Morino  and 
the  enemy  ceased  from  that  time. 

The  affair  greatly  exasperated  Col.  Maury,  a  cavalry 
officer  and  the  leader  of  the  rebel  forces  in  our  immediate 
front,  and  he  sent  in  word  through  Widow  Nix  (the  charms 
of  whose  daughters  may  still  linger  pleasantly  in  the  memories 
of  many),  that  he  intended  to  "  gobble  "  from  us  double  the 
number  taken  by  Capt.  Young  by  way  of  retaliation,  and  that 
as  to  any  negroes  that  should  fall  into  his  hands  he  would 
"flay  them  alive./  In  execution  of  his  threats,  he  at  once 
commenced  a  series  of  night  attacks  upon  our  outposts, 
several  of  which  he  endeavored  to  capture  without  success. 
Many  were  the  nights  that  we  stood  to  our  guns  expecting 
something  more  serious  than  an  attempt  to  drive  in  our  pick 
ets,  as  it  was  well  known  that  Maury 's  command  greatly  out- 


132  COLORED    PICKETS — A  LAUGHABLE  INCIDENT. 

numbered  our  small  force.  These  assaults  made  it  necessary 
for  the  pickets  to  be  extremely  vigilant,  and  the  colored 
troops,  who  were  inexperienced  in  such  service,  sometimes 
allowed  their  imagination  to  get  the  better  of  their  prudence. 
An  amusing  incident  occurred  in  this  connection.  Our 
picket  line  ran  along  a  bayou,  the  shores  of  which  were 
heavily  wooded,  and  which,  except  at  the  mouth,  could 
not  be  crossed  save  in  boats  or  on  pontoons.  Two  mortar 
schooners  armed  with  old-fashioned  32-pounders  and  10-inch 
mortars  were  anchored  a  short  distance  from  the  mouth 
of  the  bayou,  and  commanded  the  ford  there  situated, 
and  from  which  position  shell  could  be  thrown  some  dis 
tance  up  the  lagoon.  At  the  principal  picket  stations  a 
quantity  of  pine  knots  had  been  accumulated,  which  it  was 
designed  should  be  ignited  in  case  of  an  attack  as  signals, 
so  as  to  disclose  the  enemy's  position  in  order  that  the  com 
manders  of  the  schooners  might  shell  or  rake  the  approaches 
with  grape  and  canister  as  circumstances  would  admit.  These 
stations  at  the  time  were  all  held  by  colored  troops.  One 
very  dark  night  a  small  party  of  guerillas  fired  across  the 
bayou  at  some  of  the  men  at  one  of  these  posts,  who  fancying 
that  a  formidable  assault  was  contemplated  set  off  the  signal 
fires,  whereupon  the  schooners  opened  an  indiscriminate  fire, 
which  was  kept  up  for  some  minutes.  The  din  only  added 
to  the  confusion  of  the  darkies,  who  finally  took  leg-bail  for 
camp.  Of  course  we  supposed  at  headquarters  that  the 
rebels  must  be  attempting  to  cross  the  bayou  in  force  and 
that  a  severe  contest  was  imminent.  I  dispatched  Adjut. 
Sheldon  to  ascertain  the  point  and  character  of  the  attack, 


COLORED    PICKETS ACCIDENT   AT    REDOUBT.  133 

and  made  such  disposition  of  the  troops  in  camp  as  seemed 
to  be  best.  In  the  meantime  one  or  two  of  the  fleetest  of 
the  pickets  had  come  in  and  I  ascertained  that  they  had  seen 
none  of  the  enemy  crossing,  or  even  attempting  to  cross  the 
bayou,  and  that  but  three  or  four  shots  had  been  fired  at 
them.  They  also  stated  that  the  signal  fires  had  been  lighted 
that  they  might  see  "  who  fired  dose  shot."  This  explained 
everything,  and  the  officer  of  the  day  having  re-established 
the  picket  line,  we  retired  to  our  quarters,  amused  in  spite 
of  ourselves  at  the  ridiculous  contretemps  of  our  "  colored 
brethren." 

On  the  10th  of  September  a  serious  accident  occurred  at 
the  redoubt  by  the  premature  discharge  of  an  eight  inch  sea 
coast  howitzer.  Our  picket  line  had  been  fired  into  several 
times  from  the  woods  in  front  of  this  fort  and  I  thought  it 
desirable  that  the  gunners  should  get  the  exact  range  of  the 
edge  of  the  woods  at  different  points.  A  detachment  from 
Company  I  was  serving  the  gun.  The  catastrophe  occurred 
in  my  presence  and  was  occasioned  by  the  carelessness  of  the 
corporal,  in  charge  of  the  detail,  whose  duty  it  was  to  prop 
erly  thumb  the  vent.  This  he  did  not  do  and  by  his  negli 
gence  lost  the  middle  finger  of  his  right  hand.  Private 
Eobert  Ripley  of  Company  I,  had  his  right  arm  blown  off 
and  sustained  other  injuries  from  which  he  died  within  a  few 
days,  and  Private  James  B.  Eoyce  was  blown  into  the  air  and 
picked  up  for  dead.  To  the  surprise  of  every  one,  however, 
he  revived  and  is  now  living,  being  in  the  service  of  the  gov 
ernment  in  the  Paymaster  General's  office  at  Washington. 
His  left  arm  was  badly  shattered,  being  broken  four  times. 


134  YELLOW   FEVER — SANITARY  PRECAUTIONS. 

which  it  subsequently  became  necessary  to  amputate  near  the 
shoulder.  He  was  also  badly  burned  and  bruised  about  the 
face  and  head,  so  much  so  that  he  was  blind  for  several 
weeks,  and  has  never  fully  recovered  either  his  eyesight  or 
hearing. 

About  the  1st  of  September  a  case  of  yellow  fever  was  re 
ported  on  a  vessel  lying  in  the  harbor,  which  had  recently 
arrived  from  an  infected  port.  Shortly  afterward  a  few  spo 
radic  cases  occurred  at  Warrenton  and  Wolsey,  and  I  at 
once  determined  to  take  every  precaution,  to  prevent  the 
epidemic  from  getting  a  foothold  in  our  camps.  After  consult 
ing  with  Dr.  Blanchard  and  the  other  physicians,  and  with 
Major  Allen  of  the  Second  U.  S.  Artillery,  commandant  of 
Fort  Pickens,  who  had  been  through  several  seasons  of 
the  fever  in  Mexico  and  other  Southern  stations,  we  de 
cided  to  establish  a  line  of  guards  midway  between  our 
camp  and  Warrenton  and  Wolsey  to  prevent  all  inter 
course  and  communication;  and  orders  were  issued  that 
none  of  our  men  from  the  one  direction,  and  none  of  the 
sailors,  marines  or  citizens  from  the  other,  should  be  allowed 
to  pass  this  line  except  upon  passes  signed  by  me  personally. 
At  the  same  time  the  police  and  sanitary  regulations  were 
rigorously  enforced.  So  strictly  was  this  blockade  kept 
that  we  had  not  to  exceed  a  dozen  cases  of  the  fever  all  told, 
and  but  two  of  which  proved  fatal,  although  at  the  Navy  Yard, 
and  in  Warrenton  and  Wolsey  (some  two  and  a  half  miles 
distant),  the  fever  raged  for  over  two  months,  and  after  the 
first  two  or  three  weeks  assumed  a  very  malignant  and  fatal 


DEATH  OF  CORPORAL  WILKINS  AND  LIEUT.  GREEN.       135 

form.  I  have  forgotten  the  exact  rate  of  mortality,  but  re 
member  that  the  percentage  was  uncommonly  large.  The 
first  one  to  be  stricken  with  the  disease  in  the  army  was 
Corporal  Lucius  0.  Wilkins  of  company  B,  who  was  at  once 
removed  to  a  vacant  house  outside  of  our  lines,  where  he 
•died,  Nov.  5th.  The  next  to  follow  was  Lieut.  Rollin  M. 
Green  of  company  H,  who  was  taken  sick  on  November  15th 
and  died  November  17th  in  our  regimental  hospital  at  Bar 
rancas.  As  soon  as  it  was  discovered  that  he  was  unmis 
takably  affected  with  yellow  fever,  prompt  measures  were 
taken  to  prevent  the  other  occupants  of  the  hospital  from  be 
coming  infected  with  the  disease.  All  the  efforts  of  Dr. 
Blanch ard  and  his  devoted  wife,  who  fearlessly  attended  and 
nursed  the  dying  Lieutenant  during  the  last  twenty-four 
hours  of  his  life,  were  unavailing.  He  died  about  nine 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  as  an  additional  precaution, 
was  buried  in  the  Marine  Cemetery  about  midnight  by  a  few 
of  the  officers  of  the  regiment.  Lieut.  Green  was  a  cour 
ageous  and  efficient  officer.  No  man  held  the  honor  of  the 
regiment  in  higher  esteem,  and  no  one  displayed  greater 
alacrity  than  he  to  vindicate  it  when  assailed.  He  rose  from 
the  ranks  and  won  his  several  promotions  by  meritorious 
and  gallant  conduct, 

" Formed  on  the  good  old  plan, 

A  true  and  brave  and  downright  honest  man." 

In  spite  of  the  care  taken  to  check  the  spread  of  the  fever 
it  reappeared  within  a  few  days,  whereupon  Dr.  Blanchard 
established  a  pest  hospital  at  the  house  outside  our  lines, 


136  YELLOW    FEVER — REFUGEES  AND  DESERTERS. 

where  Corporal  Wilkins  died,  to  which  all  patients  attacked 
by  the  malady  were  instantly  removed.  We  were  fortunate 
in  being  able  to  ward  off  the  disease  as  long  as  we  did. 
Within  a  short  time  after  Lieut.  Green  was  taken  sick  we 
were  visited  by  slight  frosts  which  had  a  tendency  to  greatly 
mitigate  the  virulence  of  the  fever,  so  that  the  cases  in  the 
army,  except  the  two  I  have  mentioned,  were  of  a  mild  type. 
Although  the  quarantine  hospital,  where  many  cases  were 
treated,  was  established  on  Santa  Rosa  Island,  some  three 
miles  from  Fort  Pickens,  no  cases  occurred  at  the  latter  post. 
The  same  system  of  non-intercourse  that  we  adopted  being 
there  enforced  by  Major  Allen.  The  yellow  fever  greatly 
interfered  with  our  comfort  and  pleasures.  During  the  preva 
lence  of  the  epidemic  we  were  practically  shut  off  from  all 
communication  with  the  outside  world.  No  vessels  were 
allowed  to  enter  the  port,  and  we  got  no  regular  mails  or 
supplies.  We  could  not  safely  fraternize  with  our  naval 
friends ;  and  our  Saturday  night  meetings,  dedicated  in  con 
formity  to  an  old  custom  in  the  navy — "  to  sweethearts  and 
wives" — had  to  be  abandoned,  and  altogether  we  had  a  most 
lugubrious  experience. 

About  this  time  a  great  many  refugees  and  deserters  came 
in  and  sought  our  protection.  The  conscript  laws  of  the 
Confederacy  were  then  being  stringently  enforced,  and  all 
males  who  could  shoulder  a  musket  were  impressed  into  the 
service.  Most  of  the  deserters  had  been  conscripted  and 
forced  into  the  army  against  their  will.  The  refugees,  on 
the  other  hand,  were,  as  a  rule,  composed  of  the  "poor  white 


AERIVAL  OF  GEN.  ASBOTH.  137 

trash/'  or  "  Florida  Crackers/'  who  ran  away  to  escape  con 
scription,  and  generally  were  an  ignorant,  lazy  and  worth 
less  lot.  As  these  fugitives  accumulated  they  formed  quite 
a  large  camp,  and  it  became  something  of  a  problem  to  de 
cide  what  to  do  with  them. 

On  the  7th  of  November  I  was  relieved  by  Brig.-Gen. 
A.  Asboth,  who  assigned  me  to  the  command  of  the  First 
Brigade,  which  then  consisted  of  the  undetached  companies 
of  my  own  regiment  commanded  by  Lieut. -Col.  Peck,  and 
two  colored  regiments.  It  was  supposed,  however,  that 
a  considerable  body  of  troops  would  soon  rendezvous  at 
Barrancas  and  Pensacola  to  co-operate  with  Admiral  Far- 
ragut  in  the  meditated  attack  upon  Mobile,  and  we  began 
to  natter  ourselves  that  we  were  soon  to  see  more  active 
service.  But  our  expectations  of  participating  in  an  attack 
upon  Mobile  were  not  to  be  immediately  realized.  Soon 
after  Gen.  Asboth's  arrival  he  set  about  utilizing  the 
deserters  and  refugees,  by  attempting  to  form  a  regiment 
of  cavalry  from  among  their  number.  Adjutant  Sheldon  of 
the  Seventh,  who  had  seen  service  in  the  regular  artillery, 
was  also  authorized  to  recruit  and  organize  a  light  battery, 
and  I  believe  secured  men  enough  to  man  four  guns.  It 
was  not  altogether  safe,  however,  to  rely  too  much  upon 
troops  made  up  from  such  an  element.  They  were  not 
entirely  loyal,  and  hence  were  unreliable  and  untrustworthy. 

Gen.  Asboth  was  a  Hungarian  by  birth  and  a  compatriot 
of  Kossuth's,  and  came  to  this  country  with  him.  He  was  a 
brave  man,  but  rash  and  injudicious,  and,  like  many  other 


GEN.  ASBOTH'S  CHARACTERISTICS. 

officers  of  foreign  extraction,  was  prone  to  expose  his  men, 
and  sacrifice  their  lives  unnecessarily.  Still  he  never  asked 
his  troops  to  go  where  he  was  not  willing  to  lead.  He  was 
-very  fond  of  dogs  and  horses,  and  had  a  half-dozen  or  more 
of  each. 


CHAPTER  YII. 


COMBAT   AT   JACKSON  S    BRIDGE — CAPTURE    OF    LIEUT.    ROSS- 
ARRIVAL  OF  RECRUITS RE-ENLISTMENT  OF  REGIMENT- 
COMBAT    NEAR   NIX'S    CLEARING ORDER     FOR    VET 
ERAN   FURLOUGH ACTION    AT    GONZALES    STA 
TION RETURN   TO    VERMONT   AND    RECEP 
TION   AT     BRATTLEBORO ACTION    AT 

MARIANA,       DEATH      OF      CAPT. 

YOUNG RETURN    TO    NEW 

ORLEANS. 


1BB4, 

the  25th  of  January,  I  crossed  the  bayou  with  three 
companies  of  my  regiment  and  about  twenty  men  of 
the  Fourteenth  N.  Y.  Cavalry  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a 
quantity  of  lumber  which  we  needed.  Leaving  the  infantry  at 
the  head  of  the  bayou  to  get  the  lumber,  I  started  with  the 
cavalry  accompanied  by  Capt.  Young  and  Lieut.  George  Brown 
of  the  Seventh,  on  a  scouting  and  foraging  expedition.  After 
scouring  the  country  for  several  hours  we  returned  to  Jack 
son's  Bridge,  which  crosses  a  small  run  on  the  direct  road  to, 
Pensacola,  where  we  halted  to  water  our  horses  and  eat  dinner. 
We  had  dismounted  and  had  just  begun  our  repast,  when 


140  COMBAT   AT   JACKSON'S   BRIDGE. 

several  stray  shots  were  fired  in  quick  succession,  and  directly 
our  vedettes  came  dashing  in  at  a  gallop,  closely  followed  by 
several  gray-backs.  We  had  barely  time  to  mount  and 
wheel  into  position  before  we  saw  the  rebels  coming  down 
upon  us  at  the  charge.  It  was  impossible  to  tell  what  their 
force  was,  but  as  we  were  both  about  the  same  distance  from 
the  bridge  I  knew  if  the  heads  of  column  struck  there  we 
stood  a  pretty  good  show,  even  though  they  outnumbered  us, 
as  our  men  were  the  best  armed  and  mounted,  so  I  gave  the 
order  to  charge,  instructing  the  men  to  yell  as  loud  as  pos 
sible,  and  we  bore  down  upon  our  opponent  with  much  style. 
At  this  -they  discharged  their  pistols  and  carbines,  killing  one 
horse  and  slightly  wounding  one  of  our  men,  and  then  took 
to  their  heels.  We  pursued  them  about  a  mile  capturing 
a  lieutenant  and  nine  enlisted  men.  Two  rebels  were 
wounded.  Capt.  Young  and  Lieut.  Brown  behaved  very 
handsomely  and  with  their  accustomed  gallantry.  This  fol 
lowing  so  closely  upon  the  capture  by  Capt.  Young  at  Pensa- 
cola  exasperated  our  friend  Maury  still  more,  and  he  sent 
us  word  that  the  next  time  we  "  took  a  gallop  "  outside  of 
our  lines  we  would  meet  with  more  formidable  opposition. 

On  the  27th  of  January,  Lieut.  George  Eoss  of  B  Company, 
was  ordered  by  Gen.  Asboth  to  proceed  with  a  detail  from 
his  company  to  Point  Washington,  at  the  head  of  Chocta- 
wotchie  Bay,  to  protect  and  forward  refugees  wishing  te 
enier  our  lines  and  enlist  in  our  army,  and  he  accordingly 
embarked  on  the  schooner  "  Sarah  Breeze "  with  seven 
teen  men  for  his  destination.  From  Point  Washington 
he  advanced  about  twenty-five  miles  inland,  where  he 


LIEUT.    ROSS   AND    HIS  CAPTURE — RE-ENLISTING.        141 

struck  and  surprised  a  camp  of  rebel  infantry,  capturing 
three  officers  and  forty  privates,  besides  one  or  two  army 
wagons.  This  company,  it  seems,  had  been  stationed  there 
to  prevent  refugees  and  deserters  escaping  to  our  lines.  In 
trying  to  bring  in  his  prisoners  and  plunder  he  was  unable 
to  make  as  rapid  progress  as  he  otherwise  would,  and  before 
he  could  get  back  to  his  starting  point  he  was  overtaken  and 
in  turn  surprised  by  a  superior  force  of  the  enemy's  cavalry 
and  after  a  stubborn  resistance  was  captured  with  eleven  of 
his  men  and  all  his  prisoners.  It  was  reported  at  the  time 
that  several  rebels  were  killed  and  wounded  before  Lieut. 
Boss  was  overpowered.  He  was  a  plucky  officer  and  if  he  had 
a  chance  I  have  no-  doubt  he  made  a  stout  fight,  before  giving 
up.  A  few  days  later  all  of  his  men  not  taken  prisoners 
reached  our  lines  in  safety. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  Lieut.  Frank  K  Finney  of  D 
Company  returned  from  Vermont  with  110  recruits  which 
we  were  very  glad  to  receive. 

During  the  same  month  all  of  the  enlisted  men  of  the 
regiment  remaining  from  those  originally  mustered  in, 
except  fifty-eight,  re-enlisted  for  three  years  further  ser 
vice,  or  for  the  war,  the  War  Department  having  pre 
viously  decided  that  the  original  term  of  service  of  the 
regiment  would  expire  June  1st,  1864.  By  the  provis 
ions  of  this  order  the  re-enlisted  men  were  entitled  to 
return  to  Vermont  early  in  April  for  a  furlough  of  thirty 
days.  But  owing  to  a  series  of  vexatious  delays  we  were 
not  able  to  embark  until  August  10th.  From  the  time  of 
the  re-enlistment  the  regiment  was  authorized  to  assume,  and 


142     WE  BECOME  VETERANS COMBAT  AT  Nix's  CLEARING. 

was  afterwards  known,  by  the  name  of  the  Seventh  Regiment 
Vermont  Veteran  Volunteers. 

On  the  19th  of  February  a  serious  conflagration  took  place 
at  Pensacola,  over  one-half  of  the  town  being  burned  to  the 
ground.  The  next  day  a  scouting  party  was  sent  there  to% 
ascertain  the  origin  of  the  fire.  But  we  never  knew  cer 
tainly  how  or  by  whom  it  was  caused.  About  this  time  we 
were  ordered  to  participate  in  the  Red  River  Campaign  under 
Gen.  Banks.  Happily  transportation  arrived  too  late,  and 
we  escaped  being  mixed  up  in  that  stupendous  "  cotton  raid." 

On  the  2d  of  April  Gen,  Asboth  received  word  through 
widow  Nix  that  some  of  Col.  Maury's  men  were  at  her 
house,  and  he  accordingly  sent  out  Capt.  Schmidt  with  his 
entire  troop  of  horse  to  capture  them.  In  a  short  time  heavy 
firing  was  heard  across  the  bayou,  and  all  of  the  Seventh  in 
camp  was  ordered  to  the  rescue  at  double  quick.  Before  we 
could  reach  the  scene  of  action  the  fighting  was  over.  But 
we  found  that  a  serious  combat  had  taken  place  near 
Nix's  clearing  between  Schmidt's  company  and  a  battalion 
of  rebel  cavalry,  in  which  the  former  had  been  successful. 
His  first-lieutenant,  Mr.  Lenike,  a  very  gallant  fellow, 
whom  I  am  informed  was  killed  in  the  late  Franco-Prussian 
War,  was  wounded,  and  several  of  his  men,  while  the  rebel 
loss  was  two  killed  and  ten  wounded. 

On  the  18th  of  May  G  Company  was  detailed  to  relieve 
Capt.  Larned's  company  of  the  Second  IT.  S.  Artillery  at 
Fort  Barrancas,  and  K  Company  was  detailed  to  relieve 
Major  Allen's  company  of  regulars  at  Fort  Pickens,  which 
left  but  four  companies  of  the  Seventh  in  camp. 


RUMORS    OF   AN   ATTACK — RAID. 

About  this  time  rumors  reached  us  that  a  combined  attack 
was  to  be  made  on  the  Navy  Yard  by  a  land  force  under 
Maury  and  by  the  ram  "Tennessee/'  then  lying  in  Mobile 
Bay.  This  vessel,  which  was  subsequently,  surrendered  to 
Farragut,  was  probably  the  most  formidable  ironclad  the 
Confederacy  ever  had;  and  if  her  commander  had  run  suc 
cessfully  the  gauntlet  of  our  fleet  he  would  have  given  us 
very  serious  trouble.  In  anticipation  of  such  an  attack  a 
water  battery,  mounted  with  11  and  15-inch  guns,  was  con 
structed  on  the  end  of  Santa  Kosa  Island  by  Companies  D, 
F  and  K,  so  as  to  command  the  channel;  while,  on  the  Bar 
rancas  side,  we  made  additional  defences  to  meet  any  attack 
from  that  direction.  Every  few  nights  there  was  picket 
firing,  and  we  were  frequently  under  arms  all  night.  In  the 
meantime  Farragut's  preparations  for  an  attack  upon  Forts 
Morgan  and  Gaines.,  at  the  entrance  to  Mobile  Bay,  were 
being  pushed  steadily  forward.  Neither  were  the  rebels  idle. 
They  were  constantly  strengthening  their  position,  Keinforce- 
ments  for  the  garrisons  and  additional  supplies  were  being 
brought  from  the  interior,  most  of  which  passed  over  the  rail 
road  running  from  Pollard,  and  beyond,  to  Mobile.  Gen. 
Asboth  conceived  a  scheme  for  destroying  this  road,  and 
thus  cutting  off  this  important  line  of  communication. 
His  idea  was  a  good  one,  but,  unfortunately,  we  had  not 
a  sufficient  force  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Nevertheless  he 
resolved  to  attempt  its  execution.  Accordingly  an  expe 
dition  was  fitted  out  consisting  of  the  following  troops  to  wit : 
Four  companies  of  the  Seventh,  (A,  B,  E  and  H,)  Schmidt's 
New  York  Cavalry,  First  Florida  Cavalry,  Eighty-third 


144  ACTION   AT    GONZALES    STATION. 

and  Eighty-sixth  U.  S.  Colored  Regiments  and  two  mountain 
howitzers,  commanded  by  Adjt.  Sheldon,  and  which  for 
want  of  horses  were  dragged  by  mules  and  denominated  by 
ways  of  pleasantry  "  Sheldon's  Mule  Battery."  On  the  after 
noon  of  July  21st,  we  left  Barrancas  with  Schmidt's  cavalry 
in  advance,  followed  by  our  four  companies  and  Sheldon's 
guns,  the  other  troops  bringing  up  the  rear.  We  were  in 
formed  that  a  considerable  force  of  the  enemy  was  intrenched 
at  Gonzales  Station  (or  as  it  is  sometimes  called  the  "  Fifteen 
Mile  House,"  that  being  its  distance  from  Pensacola),  whom 
we  hoped  to  surprise,  and  our  march  was,  therefore,  so  timed 
as  to  reach  that  point  early  in  the  morning.  This  we  accom 
plished,  that  is  to  say  we  struck  their  outposts  a  little  before 
daylight,  and  were  soon  engaged  in  an  exceedingly  lively 
skirmish.  Deploying  a  portion  of  the  Seventh  I  was  directed 
to  take  charge  of  the  right  of  the  line  and  push  forward  as 
rapidly  as  possible.  The  enemy,  however,  contested  our  advance 
very  stubbornly  and  it  was  some  little  time  before  we  reached 
the  clearing  in  front  of  their  fortifications,  which  I  soon  per 
ceived  consisted  of  a  square  redoubt  crudely  made  up  of  logs 
and  earth.  It  nevertheless  afforded  protection  to  their  rifle 
men  and  as  an  attempt  to  carry  it  by  assault  might  cost 
several  lives,  I  deemed  it  best  to  first  try  the  effect  of  a  few 
shell.  Accordingly  Sheldon  brought  up  his  howitzers  and 
with  remarkable  precision  landed  a  half-dozen  rounds  of 
spherical  shot  directly  in  the  fort  which  caused  no  little 
confusion,  whereupon  Capts.  Darwin  A.  Smalley  and  John 
L.  Moseley  of  A  and  E  companies  respectively,  with  a  portion 
of  the  Seventh,  very  gallantly  led  an  assault  across  the  clear- 


ACTION   AT   GONZALE3   STATION — RETfiEAT.  145 

ing,  and  before  the  rebels  could  do  more  than  discharge  a 
couple  of  volleys,  they  were  over  their  works  and  among  them 
which  led  to  a  hasty  and  headlong  retreat  on  their  part. 
They  did  not  effect  their  escape,  however,  until  several  of 
their  number  were  taken  prisoners.  In  the  meantime,  heavy 
skirmishing  was  going  on  in  front  of  Gen.  Asboth  in  the 
centre  and  on  the  left  of  the  line,  but  on  the  fall  of  their  fort 
the  rebels  gave  way,  and  after  being  pursued  for  some  distance 
by  our  cavalry,  finally,  in  consequence  of  the  thick  woods,  eluded 
capture.  Several  men  were  killed  and  wounded  on  both 
sides,  but  I  don't  recall  the  number.  It  was  evident  that  the 
enemy  under-estimated  our  force,  indeed  we  were  informed 
by  the  prisoners  that  .they  supposed,  until  we  opened  with 
artillery,  that  the  attack  was  from  but  a  small  portion  of  our 
cavalry.  In  the  haste  of  their  flight  the  rebels  left  us  a  very 
good  breakfast  of  "  corndodgers  "  and  bacon.  Although  this 
affair  can  hardly  be  called  a  battle,  yet  for  over  an  hour  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  Seventh  were  exposed  to  a  severe 
musketry  fire.  No  troops  could  have  behaved  better  then 
they  did,  and  all  alike  were  entitled  to,  and  received  from 
Gen.  Asboth  much  praise  for  their  steadiness  and  intrepidity. 
After  a  rest  of  several  hours  we  again  resumed  our  march  in 
the  order  I  have  stated,  and  had  pushed  forward  some  ten 
miles  when  a  deserter  from  the  enemy  came  in  and  informed 
Gen.  Asboth  that  Col.  Maury  with  a  force  of  four  thousand 
men  was  marching  toward  us  with  a  view  to  cutting  off  our 
retreat  and  was  only  five  or  six  miles  distant.  We  received 
this  intelligence  about  dark.  A  hasty  consultation  was 
held  and  it  was  decided  to  retreat,  as  Maury 's  force  largely 


146  RETREAT — FARRAGUT — MOBILE   BAY. 

outnumbered  ours,  besides  we  were  not  sure  how  the  Florida 
battalion  would  behave  in  a  pitched  battle.  Accordingly  we 
faced  about  and  started  for  Barrancas,  marching  all  night. 
A  hard  rain  storm  set  in,  which  somewhat  impeded  our 
progress,  but  which  fortunately,  as  it  turned  out,  saved  us 
from  a  severe  action,  if  not  from  capture,  for  Maury  was 
nearer  to  us  than  was  reported,  but  owing  to  the  heavy  rain 
all  traces  of  our  return  were  obliterated  and  it  was  not  until 
sometime  in  the  following  forenoon  that  he  discovered  our 
retreat.  It  was  then  too  late  to  overtake  us,  as  we  were 
within  a  short  distance  of  our  lines.  We  reached  camp  with 
our  prisoners  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  pretty  well  jaded 
and  worn,  having  marched  over  fifty  miles  since  our  de 
parture. 

On  the  4th  of  August  Gen.  Gordon  Granger,  under  the 
cover  of  Farragut's  guns,  landed  with  a  small  force  on  Dau- 
phine  Island,  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  which  Fort  Gaines 
is  situated,  for  the  purpose  of  participating  in  the  contem 
plated  attack  upon  that  fort  by  the  fleet ;  and  on  the  same 
day  Farragut  wrote  to  his  wife  as  follows  :  "  I  am  going  into 
"  Mobile  Bay  in  the  morning,  if  God  is  my  leader,  as  I  hope  he 
it  -g<  *  *  *  If  he  thinks  it  is  the  proper  place  for  me 
"  to  die,  I  am  ready  to  submit  to  his  will."  The  next  morn 
ing  he  fought  that  most  brilliant  of  all  his  many  memorable 
and  successful  naval  encounters,  the  battle  of  Mobile  Bay. 
Although  thirty  miles  distant  we  could  distinctly  hear  the 
roar  of  the  guns.  On  the  7th  of  August  Fort  Gaines  surren 
dered,  and  Gen.  Granger  transferred  his  force  to  Mobile 
Point  and  invested  Fort  Morgan.  We  were  momentarily 


DEPARTURE  FOR  VERMONT — COMPLIMENTARY  ORDER.   147 

expecting  orders  to  join  him,  but  in  the  meantime  the 
steamer  Hudson  arrived  to  convey  us  north  on  our  long- 
looked-for  furlough,  and  on  the  10th  of  August,  leaving  the 
recruits  behind,  we  left  Barrancas  and  Fort  Pickens,  and 
for  the  first  time  in  nearly  two  and  a  half  years  turned  our 
faces  homeward.  Just  before  our  departure  the  following 
order  was  issued  by  Gen.  Asboth  : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  DISTRICT  OF  WEST  FLORIDA, 

BARRANCAS,  FLA.,  Aug.  9th,  1864. 
"Special  Order  No.  184. 

"The  Seventh  Vermont  Veteran  Volunteers  being  about 
"  to  leave  this  District,  the  General  commanding  considers 
"  it  his  pleasant  duty  to  express  his  full  appreciation  of  the 
"  good  order  and  discipline  always  maintained,  and  the  ef- 
"  ficient  service  constantly  rendered  by  them,  not  only  as 
"  infantry  at  their  several  posts  and  in  the  field,  but  also 
"  most  conspicuously  as  artillerists  at  the  important  forts  of 
"  Pickens  and  Barrancas.  The  departure  of  this  Veteran 
11  Eegiment  becomes  thus  a  severe  loss  to  this  command, 
"  and  the  best  wishes  and  warmest  thanks  of  the  General 
"  commanding  follow  their  gallant  commander,  Col.  W.  C. 
"  Holbrook,  and  all  the  brave  officers  and  men  to  their  homes 
"  and  wherever  duty  calls  them.  May  we  meet  again  in 
11  better  days  for  our  beloved  and  common  country,  the  great 
"  Kepublic  of  the  World. 

"  (Signed),  ASBOTH, 

"  Brig.  Gen.  Commanding" 


148      VOYAGE  HOME — EXPERIENCE  AT  FORTRESS  MONROE. 

The  steamer  Hudson  must  have  been  built  about  the 
time  of  the  Ark,  for  a  slower  boat  could  not  well  have  been 
found.  Notwithstanding  we  had  the  Gulf-stream  with  us  we 
were  ten  days  in  reaching  Fortress  Monroe  where  we  were 
obliged  to  stop  for  coal.  On  reporting  our  arrival  and  mak 
ing  known  our  wishes  for  a  sufficient  quantity  of  coal  to 
enable  us  to  reach  New  York,  an  adolescent  surgeon,  repre 
senting  the  Health  Department,  was  sent  on  board  to  ascer 
tain  whether  there  were  any  cases  of  yellow  fever.  On  learn 
ing  that  we  had  come  from  the  port  of  Pensacola  he  said  it 
would  be  necessary  for  us  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  quaran 
tine  station  some  miles  distant,  where  he  proposed  to  keep 
us  for  thirty  days.  In  vain  did  we  protest  that  there 
was  no  infectious  sickness  among  the  men,  and  that  we 
had  simply  touched  there  long  enough  to  get  a  few  tons  of 
coal,  and  that  to  detain  a  regiment  of  men  aboard  ship  so 
long  would  surely  bring  on  sickness  in  some  form.  This 
nincompoop  of  a  doctor  was  deaf  to  all  reason  however,  and 
directed  that  we  proceed  at  once  to  quarantine,  saying  that 
if  we  wished  to  proceed  on  our  course  it  would  be  necessary 
to  obtain  an  order  from  the  Post  Commander.  Fortunately, 
the  Post  Quartermaster,  in  compliance  with  our  requisition, 
had  sent  a  couple  of  barges  laden  with  coal  alongside  the 
Hudson  before  the  doctor  came  aboard,  and  upon  his 
arrival  we  were  actually  engaged  transferring  the  coal  to  our 
ship.  This  work  we  were  allowed  to  finish.  In  the  mean 
time  I  made  a  written  application  to  the  Commandant  of  the 
Post,  setting  forth  the  orders  I  had  received  from  the  quaran 
tine  physician  and  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  and  asked 


DRAGGING  ANCHOR  TO  NEW  YORK.         149 

for  leave  to  go  to  sea  forthwith.  To  my  great  surprise  I 
shortly  received  a  communication  in  reply,  that  my  applica 
tion  would  be  forwarded  to  Washington  for  the  action  of  the 
authorities  there,  but  that  "  in  the  meantime  the  directions 
of  the  Health  Officer  must  be  complied  with."  We  began 
to  think  that  the  spirit  of  Butlerism  (for  we  were  then,  I 
believe,  within  the  limits  of  Gen.  Butler's  command)  was  still 
abroad.  But,  as  the  saying  is,  "  where  there's  a  will  there's 
a  way,"  and  we  determined  to  sail  for  New  York  that  very 
night,  the  orders  of  the  Health  Officer  and  Post  Commandant 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.  So,  as  soon  as  we  had 
taken  aboard  enough  coal  for  the  trip,  the  captain  of  the 
Hudson  was  instructed  to  drop  down  to  Quarantine  and 
there  come  to  anchor,  banking  his  fires.  While  this  was 
being  done,  that  I  might  not  be  guilty  of  direct  disobedience 
of  orders  (the  orders  having  been  given  to  me  personally), 
I  went  on  the  sick  list,  having  been  ill  for  some  time,  and 
Lieut.- Col.  Peck  assumed  command.  As  soon  as  it  became 
dark  Col.  Peck  directed  the  captain  to  proceed  on  his  voyage. 
Accordingly  anchor  was  weighed,  and  we  were  soon  out  of 
Hampton  Eoads  and  on  our  course  to  New  York,  where  we 
safely  arrived  some  three  or  four  days  later.  In  exculpation 
of  the  officers  of  the  regiment  for  not  serving  out  the  full 
period  of  quarantine  probation  prescribed  as  above,  an  amus 
ing  letter  appeared  in  one  of  the  New  York  papers,  written 
by  Col.  Plumley,  of  the  Eighty-Sixth  U.  S.  Colored  Kegi- 
ment,  who  made  the  trip  with  us  from  Pensacola,  wherein  he 
undertook  to  demonstrate  that  the  Hudson,  through  no  fault 
of  any  one,  actually  dragged  her  anchor  all  the  way  from 


150  ARRIVAL   AND    RECEPTION   IN   BRATTLEBORO. 

Fortress  Monroe  to  New  York.  Whether  the  Commandant 
of  the  Post,  or  the  Health  Officer  who  had  compassed  our 
detention,  and  to  whom  copies  of  this  effusion  were  sent, 
placed  any  credence  in  the  reasons  thus  given  for  our  sudden 
departure  from  their  jurisdiction  I  do  not  know.  But  all 
apprehensions  of  any  trouble  which  they  might  make  were 
dispelled  three  weeks  later,  by  the  return  to  me  at  Brattle- 
boro  of  my  application  for  leave,  beautifully  decorated  with 
red  ink  and  favorable  endorsements  from  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  Army  down  to  the  Commandant  of  the  Post, 
whereby  we  were  graciously  given  permission  to  complete 
our  voyage.  We  arrived  at  Brattleboro  August  26th,  where 
we  were  most  handsomely  received  by  His  Excellency  Gov. 
Smith  and  the  citizens  of  the  town,  who  had  provided  for  us 
a  fine  collation,  which,  it  is  needless  to  say,  was  heartily 
enjoyed.  The  next  day  the  re-enlisted  men  of  the  regiment 
were  furloughed  for  thirty  days,  and  the  non-re-enlisted  men 
were  mustered  out  of  the  service. 

To  be  again  among  our  kindred  and  friends  after  the  severe 
experiences  through  which  we  had  passed,  was  peculiarly 
delightful.  And  yet  there  was  much  in  this  happy  reunion 
which  brought  back  many  sad  and  painful  memories.  Of  the 
comrades  who  left  the  State  with  us  in  March,  1862,  we  had 
buried  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  in  Florida,  and  at  sea, 
over  350,  and  had  discharged  for  disability  upwards  of  200 
more.  To  a  large  number,  therefore,  the  recollections  re 
called  by  the  return  of  the  survivors  of  the  regiment  was 
tinged  with  deep  sorrow. 

"  We  welcome  back  our  bravest  and  our  best ; 
Ah  me  !  not  all  !  some  come  not  with  the  rest, 
Who  went  forth  brave  and  bright  as  an}'  here." 


CAPT.    JOHN   Q.    DICKINSON.  151 

On  September  13th,  Lieut.  John  Q.  Dickinson,  who  for 
some  time  had  acted  as  regimental  Quartermaster,  was  com 
missioned  as  such.     He  discharged  the  duties  of  that  office, 
which  were  by  no  means  light,  very  acceptably  to  the  regi 
ment  and  with  much  fidelity  and  ability.     He  was  subse 
quently  made  Captain  of  Company  F,  and  was  honorably  dis 
charged  for  disability  October  10th,  1865.      Upon  leaving 
the  service,  like  many  other  of  the  Union  soldiers,  he  elected 
to  cast  his  lot  with  the  people  of  the  South.     For  a  time  he 
was  engaged  in  the  lumber  business  in  Florida  in  partner 
ship  with  Col.  D.  B.  Peck.     But  after  a  little  they  relin 
quished    that    business    and    Col.    Peck    returned    to    the 
North.     Capt.  Dickinson,  however,  remained  in  Florida,  and 
entered  somewhat  into  politics,  and  finally  secured  a  public 
office  at  Mariana,  I  believe.     He  was  an  educated  gentleman, 
and  a  facile  and  pleasing  writer.     In   disposition   he  was   as 
agreeable  as  he  was  amiable,  and  was  the  last  against  whom 
it  would  be  expected  that  any  one  would  harbor  harsh  or 
hostile   feelings.      Nevertheless,  it  seems    that  his    superior 
attainments  did  occasion  much  hatred  and  jealousy  on  the 
part  of  the  Floridians  of  the   neighborhood,  who  wanted  no 
"Yankees"  to  administer  their  affairs,  or  to  hold  office  in 
their  State.     A  trifling  newspaper  article,  or  something  ol 
the  kind,  was  seized  upon  as  a  pretext  to  inform  Mr.  Dickin 
son  that  his  presence  was  not  wanted  at  Mariana,  and  accord 
ingly  a  notice,  emanating  from  that  most  fiendish  and  hellish 
of  all  organizations,  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  was  served  upon 
him  in  due  form,  whereby  he  was  warned  to  depart  under 
the  penalty  of  death.     To  this  threat  he  paid  no  attention. 


152  TEAGIC    DFATH    OF    CAPT.    DICKINSON. 

His   friends,  however,  were  so  apprehensive  of   the   great 
danger  he  incurred,  that  they  entreated  him  not  to  let  it 
pass  unheeded,  and  urged  him  to  return  home.     But  he  was 
not  willing  to  retire,  as  he  expressed  it,  "in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,"  and  would  not  have  it  said  that  he  had  been  driven 
from  his  post  by  any  such  menaces,  and  he  determined  to 
remain  where  he  was,  notwithstanding  he  received  two  or 
three  subsequent  warnings  that  his  life  would  surely  be  taken 
if  he  did  not  depart.     Finally,   one  evening,  after  he  had 
closed  his  office,  a  message  was  sent  to  his  house  that  he  was 
wanted  there  on  important  business.     Not  suspecting  danger 
he  started  to  comply  with  this  request.     It  was  then  dark. 
Shortly  the  report  of  guns  was  heard.     Either  that  evening, 
or  the  following  morning,  his  dead  body  was  found  beside  the 
road  riddled  with  bullets.     He  was  murdered   by  the  Ku 
Klux.     His  remains  were  sent  home,  and  on  their  arrival  at 
New  York  a  meeting  of  a  few  of  his  old  comrades  and  friends 
was   held,    at   which   appropriate    resolutions   were   passed. 
Although  he  escaped  the  rebel  balls  on  more  than  one  battle 
>  field,  he  at  last  fell  a  victim  to  rebel  hate,  which  was  as  un 
relenting  for  years  after  the  war  as  it  was  during  its  progress. 
He  believed  that  every  man  was  privileged  to  reside  where 
he  pleased,  and  that,  in  the  South  as  well  as  at  the  North, 
the  right  of  free  speech  was  not  to  be   abridged  or  taken 
away.     In  seeking  to  maintain  these  principles  of  liberty  he 
died.     He  was  as  much  a  martyr  as  though  he  had  fallen 
in  full  armor,  and  in  the  thickest  of  the  fray. 

While  we  were  on  furlough  it  was  proposed  by  the  State 
officials  to  present  the  regiment  with  a  new  stand  of  colors 


RETURN   TO   THE   SEAT   OF   WAR.  153 

and  on  the  22d  of  September  I  received  a  communication 
from  Governor  Smith's  secretary  asking  me  to  select  a  day 
for  the  presentation.  To  this  I  replied  to  the  Governor  sub 
stantially  as  follows :  "I  would  respectfully  request  that  the 
regiment  be  allowed  to  retain  and  carry  back  to  the  seat  of 
war  the  colors  that  have  been  identified  with  its  history  ever 
since  its  organization.  To  receive  from  the  State  a  token  of 
confidence  and  trust  in  our  ability  to  maintain  and  support 
the  proud  name  she  has  always  borne,  would  indeed  be  a 
high  honor.  But,  owing  to  circumstances  well  known  to 
your  Excellency  and  the  people  of  the  State,  all  connected 
with  the  regiment  have  peculiar  and  delicate  feelings  regard 
ing  the  old  colors,  and  I  cannot  but  think  that  it  would  be 
more  gratifying  to  all  the  officers  and  men  to  return  to  the 
field  with  them  than  to  bear  a  new  stand." 

In  accordance  with  our  wishes  we  were  allowed  to  retain 
our  old  colors,  which  remained  with  the  regiment  until  it  was 
finally  disbanded  in  March,  1866. 

On  the  27th  of  September  the  regiment  re-assembled  at 
Brattleboro,  and  on  the  30th  again  departed,  for  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  Gulf.  We  arrived  at  New  York  October  1st, 
and  on  the  4th  embarked  on  the  steamer  "Cassandra"  for 
New,  Orleans,  which  city  we  reached  on  the  13th,  and 
immediately  took  up  our  quarters  in  a  cotton  press  on 
Annunciation  Square. 

On  our  arrival  at  New  Orleans  we  received  intelligence  of 
the  death  of  Capt.  Young.  This  gallant  officer  had  been  left 
at  Barrancas  in  charge  of  the  recruits  on  the  occasion  of  the 
departure  of  the  regiment  for  its  veteran  furlough,  he  having 


154          ACTION.  AT  MARIANA — DEATH  OF  CAPT.  YOUNG. 

previously  been  in  \Termont  on  recruiting  service.  It  seems 
Gen.  Asboth  learned  that  a  body  of  rebels  had  established 
their  headquarters  at  Mariana  with  a  view  to  intercepting 
refugees  and  fugitives  desirous  of  entering  our  lines,  and  he 
consequently  determined  to  break  them  up.  Accordingly  he 
fitted  out  an  expedition  composed  of  all  the  available  troops 
lie  had.  Capt.  Young  was  invited  to  accompany  him  as  Chief 
of  Staff,  which  invitation  he  accepted.  On  reaching  Mariana 
it  was  found  that  the  enemy  was  there  in  considerable  force, 
and  had  barricaded  the  streets  and  were  waiting  for  the 
attack.  It  turned  out  afterwards  that  nearly  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  the  place  was  armed  with  some  kind  of 
a  weapon,  the  bulk  of  them  having  double  barreled  shot-guns 
loaded  with  buckshot  and  slugs.  With  his  usual  rashness 
Gen.  Asboth  ordered  an  assault  instead  of  first  making  use  of 
his  artillery.  At  the  word  of  command  a  detachment  of  the 
First  Florida  Cavalry  and  some  of  the  colored  troops  at 
tempted  to  escalade  and  capture  the  barricades,  but  they 
were  met  with  such  a  murderous  fire  that  they  fell  back  in 
considerable  disorder  and  were  thereupon  quickly  rallied 
by  Capt.  Young,  who,  with  Gen.  Asboth  and  some  fresh 
troops,  led  a  second  assault.  The  fire  they  encountered  was 
oven  more  severe  than  that  from  which  the  first  assailing 
column  had  recoiled,  but  they  pressed  forward  into  the  town 
where  Capt.  Young  fell  dead  from  nearly  a  dozen  buckshot 
and  other  wounds.  About  this  time  too,  Gen.  Asboth  was 
carried  to  the  rear  severely  wounded  in  the  face  and  left  arm. 
Col.  Zulavsky,  of  the  86th  U.  S.  Colored  Eegiment,  who 
succeeded  to  the  command,  has  since  told  me  that  the 


DEATH  OF  CAPT  YOUNG.  155 

slaughter  of  our  men  was  very  much  greater  than  was  neces 
sary.  That  had  the  artillery  been  used  in  the  first  instance 
in  all  probability  but  few  if  any  lives  would  have  been  lost. 
That  the  point  selected  for  the  assault  was  more  effectually 
barricaded  than  any  other  part  of  the  town,  and  was  sur 
rounded  by  buildings,  from  the  windows  of  which  the  rebels 
were  able  to  direct  a  withering  fire  upon  our  columns  as  they 
came  up  the  streets,  which  they  could  not  effectually  reply 
to.  That  Capt.  Young  fell  at  the  head  of  the  charge,  very 
close  to  the  obstructions  which  checked  their  advance.  From 
this  position  the  rebels  fell  back  to  a  church  and  there  opened 
a  galling  fire  upon  our  men.  It  became  necessary  to  burn 
the  church  to  dislodge  the  enemy,  several  of  whom  were 
burned,  and  the  balance,  after  a  severe  contest  were  taken 
prisoners.  A  large  number  of  men  were  killed  and  wounded 
and  the  rebel  loss  was  equally  heavy.  I  doubt  if  a  more  des 
perate  defence,  according  to  the  number  engaged,  was  made 
during  the  war.  than  that  at  Mariana.  Capt.  Young  was 
buried  there  with  the  dead  of  both  sides,  including  those  who 
died  from  burns,  as  well  as  those  who  perished  by  the  sword 
and  bullet.  It  has  been  said  "  that  in  the  place  where  the 
tree  falleth,  there  it  should  lie."  From  a  soldier's  standpoint 
there  could  be  no  more  fitting  place  for  Capt.  Young  to  lie 
than  the  spot  where  he  fell. 

"  Silent  he  lies  on  the  broad  path  of  glory, 
Where  withers  ungarnered  the  red  crop  of  war, 
Grand  is  his  couch,  tho'  the  pillows  are  gory 
Mid  forms  that  shall  battle,  mid  guns  that  shall  rattle 
No  more." 


156   CHARACTER  AND  ANTECEDENTS  OF  CAPT.  YOUNG. 

Capt.  Young  was  a  fine  specimen  of  the  volunteer  soldier. 
Always  cool  and  collected,  his  advice  was  invariably  sound 
and  valuable.  He  was  courageous  as  a  lion  and  was  ever 
ready  to  go  wherever  he  felt  his  duty  called  him.  Left  to 
himself  he  would  never  have  been  guilty  of  so  reckless  an  act 
as  to  charge  into  the  barricaded  streets  of  Mariana  until  he 
had  exhausted  all  other  expedients,  but  when  the  order  was 
once  given  to  execute  that  most  unwise  movement,  I  am  con 
fident  that  no  man  was  more  prompt  than  Capt.  Young  to 
see  that  it  was  obeyed  and  fully  carried  out. 

The  following  brief  sketch  of  Capt.  Young  has  been  kindly 
furnished  me  by  Col.  Samuel  E.  Pingree  of  Hartford,  Vt., 
late  of  the  Third  Vermont  Volunteers,  and  who,  it  is  well 
known,  was  himself  a  most  distinguished  officer. 

Mahlon  Miner  Young  was  a  son  of  Jacob  and  Lucy  ISTeal 
Young,  and  was  born  at  Eoyalton,  Vt.,  A.  D.,  1841.  His 
father  soon  afterwards  moved  to  Hartford,  Vt.  Mahlon  en 
joyed  the  ordinary  common  school  opportunities  (found  in  one 
of  the  back  districts)  and  was  accounted  a  bright  boy  and  a 
good  scholar  for  the  chances  he  had.  He  worked  at  farm 
labor  after  attaining  suitable  size  and  strength,  until  a 
year  or  so  before  the  war  and  then  sought  and  found  employ 
ment  in  a  chair  factory  at  Hartford  Village  until  the  out 
break  of  the  Kebellion,  when  at  nineteen  years  of  age 
he  volunteered  as  a  private  in  Company  B,  First  Ver 
mont  Volunteer  infantry,  and  accompanied  that  regi 
ment  during  its  three  months  term  of  service.  Shortly 
after  his  return  to  Vermont  he  was  authorized  to  recruit 
a  company  for  the  Seventh  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of 


ANTECEDENTS  OF  CAPT.  YOUNG NEW  ORLEANS.         157 

Woodstock.  He  was  made  Captain  of  H  Company,  and 
went  to  Ship  Island  with  his  regiment  in  March  1862. 
In  1864  he  returned  to  Vermont  on  recruiting  service, 
and  while  there  married  Esther  Gould  of  Tunbridge, 
Vt.  On  his  return  South  he  served  in  Florida  until  his 
honorable  and  heroic  death  on  the  battlefield  at  Mariana, 
September  27th,  1864. 

Capt.  Young,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  above  sketch,  was  a 
very  young  man  when  he  entered  the  service.  Like  so 
many  of  the  youth  who  rushed  to  the  war,  he  was  inspired 
with  the  spirit  embodied  in  the  following  lines  of  an  old 
author : 

"  Arouse  the  youth — it  is  no  human  call — 
Our  country's  'leagured — haste  to  man  the  wall  ; 
Haste  where  the — banner  waves  on  high. 
Signal  of  honored  death,  or  victory." 

As  Col.  Pingree  well  says,  he  met  with  an  "  honorable  and 
heroic  death,"  although  he  did  not  live  to  see  the  final  victory. 
Gen.  Asboth  never  fully  recovered  from  the  wounds  lie 
received  at  Mariana ;  at  the  close  of  the  war  he  was  appointed 
Minister  to  one  of  the  South  American  States,  and  died,  I 
believe,  somewhere  in  Brazil;  his  death  being  accelerated 
from  a  fresh  breaking  out  of  the  wounds  he  received  in  this 
action. 

While  stationed  at  Annunciation  Square,  the  regiment  was 
employed  principally  in  performing  guard  duty.  We  had 
not  enough  space  to  indulge  much  in  battalion  drill,  but 
company  drills  were  gone  through  with  every  day,  and  we 
also  drilled  extensively  in  Street  manoeuvres  and  firing.  Quite 


158  MAJ.  GEN.  E.  E.  S.  CANBY. 

a  number  of  the  officers  were   detailed  for  duty  on  Military 
Commissions  and  Courts  Martial. 

At  this  time  the  Department  of  the  Gulf  formed  a  part  of 
the  "Military  Division  of  West  Mississippi/'  which  was- 
commanded  by  Major-Gen.  E.  E.  S.  Canby,  a  regular  officer, 
and  one  of  the  most  discreet,  accomplished  and  courageous- 
soldiers  in  the  army.  His  headquarters  were  at  New 
Orleans.  We  were  shortly  destined,  under  his  leadership, 
to  participate  in  the  Mobile  campaign,  which  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  the  city  of  Mobile,  and  led  to  the  surrender  of 
Gen.  Eichard  Taylor's  army,  the  third  largest  in  size  in  the 
Confederacy. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


DEPARTURE  FOR  MOBILE    POINT — MOBILE    CAMPAIGN — MARCH 
TO   AND   INVESTMENT    OF    SPANISH    FORT — CAPTURE    OF 
CAPT.  STEARNS  AND  PICKETS — OPERATIONS  AND  TER 
MINATION     OF       SIEGE — INCIDENTS — BLAKELY 
— OCCUPATION     OF     MOBILE — ACTION     AT 
WHISTLER  —  MARCH      TO     M'lNTOSH 
BLUFFS — SURRENDER  OF  TAYLOR'S 
ARMY — RETURN   TO   MOBILE. 


1BBS, 

«EN.  C.  0.  ANDREWS,  in  his  history  of  the  Campaign 
of  Mobile,*  says  that  "  Early  in  January  it  was  de- 
"  cided  that  operations  should  be  undertaken  against  Mobile 
"  but  the  plan  was  not  arranged  until  some  time  afterwards. 
"  *  *  *  Canby's  movable  forces  had  lately  been  organ- 
"  ized  into  brigades  of  the  Reserve  Corps  of  the  Military 
"  Division  of  the  West  Mississippi,  and  consisted  of  about  ten 
"  thousand  men.  Subsequently  other  troops  were  added, 
"  and  this  Reserve  Corps  was  merged  into  and  organized 
"  as  the  Thirteenth  Army  Corps,  comprising  three  divisions, 
"  of  which  Major-General  Gordon  Granger  was  given  the  com- 
"  mand.  The  troops  constituting  this  corps  were  all  veterans." 

*  History  of  the  Campaign  of  Mobile,  by  Brevet  Maj.  Gen.  C.  C.  Andrews,  late 
commanding  zd  Division,  isth  Army  Corps. 


160  JOINING    1  3TH  CORPS MOBILE  POINT. 

On  the  19th  of  February  we  received  orders  to  embark 
on  the  steamer  "  Clinton "  and  report  to  Gen.  Granger  at 
Mobile  Point.  We  arrived  there  on  the  21st  and  were  as 
signed  to  Brig.-Gen.  Benton's  Division  of  the  13th  Corps. 
This  point  of  land  is  situated  at  the  entrance  to  Mobile  Bay, 
and  forms  a  long,  low  peninsular  of  white  sand  as  destitute  of 
verdure  and  as  bleak  and  barren  as  Ship  Island  itself,  to 
which  it  bears  a  close  resemblance.  Here  we  were  stationed 
for  three  weeks,  living  under  shelter  tents,  and  subsisting 
upon  exceedingly  "  short  commons."  Gen.  Canby's  theory 
was  that  efficiency  and  mobility  would  be  secured  by 
rejecting  everything  not  essential  to  field  service, 
and  he  accordingly  issued  an  order,  for  the  campaign, 
that  clothing  should  be  limited  to  the  suit  the  soldier 
had  on,  and  a  change  of  under  garments  and  an  extra 
pair  of  shoes  ;  that  coats  should  not  be  issued  when 
blouses  could  be  supplied ;  that  camp  equipage  should  be  re 
duced  to  the  lowest  possible  limit,  and  that  shelter  tents  only 
would  be  issued ;  that  all  cumbrous  articles  should  be  left  be 
hind  ;  that  the  equipment  of  officers  should  correspond  to  that 
of  the  men,  and  everything  in  excess  of  the  established 
allowance  was  to  be  rejected  by  the  inspectors.  Sub 
sistence  also  was  to  be  limited  to  the  essential  articles  of 
bread  and  meat,  and  a  reduced  amount  of  small  rations,  and 
when  obtainable,  "bacon  and  hard  tack  "  were  .to  be  given 
the  perference.  The  troops  also  were  "  habitually  "  to  have 
on  hand  three  days  cooked  rations  "so  as  to  be  in  readiness 
to  move  at  any  moment."  With  such  a  bill  of  fare,  and  under 
such  a  programme  it  will  be  seen  that  we  did  not  "  riot  in 


MOBILE    POINT.  161 

sumptuous  living,"  nor  was  it  possible  to  obtain  any  luxuries. 
Sutlers,  those  wonderful  purveyors  of  small  comforts,  were 
rigidly  interdicted,  consequently  all  dainties  from  that  source 
were  cut  off,  and  so  we  were  brought  down  to  the  rugged 
realities  of  "  glorious  war."  We  had  experienced,  it  is  true, 
greater  deprivations  and  hardships  before,  but  still  we  did  not 
find  "  camping  out "  under  such  circumstances  altogether 
agreeable.  The  periodical  February  and  March  storms  were 
not  at  all  conducive  to  a  comfortable  life  under  shelter  tents, 
located  as  ours  were,  upon  a  promontory,  across  which  the 
breezes  had  a  purchase  in  every  direction,  nor  did  the  con 
tinuous  rains  add  to  the  felicities  of  the  occasion.  When, 
therefore,  marching  orders  were  received  there  were  none 
who  regretted  leaving  Mobile  Point. 

Gen.  Andrews  in  speaking  of  the  plan  of  operations  says  : 
"  The  fortifications  around  Mobile  were  so  strong  that  a 
"  direct  movement  on  the  place  from  the  western  shore  would 
"  have  encountered  unequal  resistance,  and  involved  a  pro- 
"  tracted  siege.  It  was  therefore  determined  to  flank  them. 
'  The  base  would  be  fixed  on  the  eastern  shore,  and  the 
"  main  army  moving  upon  that  shore,  with  the  aid  of  the 
"  navy,  would  carry  the  forts  on  the  islands  and  mainland, 
"  and  tnen  approach  Mobile  by  the  Tensas  river  or  one  of  the 
"  channels  coming  in  above.  On  this  plan  a  large  portion 
11  of  the  troops  and  supplies  could  be  moved  by  water  into 
:'  Fish  -river,  affording  a  secure  base  within  twenty  miles  of 
"  Spanish  fort.  *  *  If  the  reduction  of  the  eastern 

"  shore  defences  demanded  too  long  a  time,  then  the  army 
11  would  pass   them,   move  on   to    Montgomery — which  was 


162  DEPARTURE    FROM    MOBILE   POINT. 

"  really  the  objective  point — leaving   Mobile  to   fall   in  due 
"  time  by  these  indirect  operations." 

We  broke  camp  early  in  the  morning  of  March  17th ; 
Gen.  Andrews  thus  describes  our  march  :  *  *  *  "  The 
"  movement  [i.  e.,  the  opening  of  operations]  was  commenced 
"by  Benton's  Division,  13th  Corps.  The  first  day  they 
"  marched  nine  miles  along  the  peninsular  and  went  into 
"  camp  in  an  open  pine  forest.  On  the  18th  they  marched 
"  thirteen  miles  on  a  good  road,  over  a  natural  shell  bank, 
"  and  camped  at  3  P.  M.  on  Bayou  Portage.  On  the  19th 
"  the  unreliable  and  swampy  character  of  the  ground  dis- 
11  closed  itself,  the  firm-appearing  surface  proving,  when  wet, 
"  to  be  a  mere  crust,  under  which  was  a  bottomless  quick- 
"  sand.  Through  this  crust  the  wagons  sank  to  the  hubs. 
"  The  head  of  the  column  passing  round  Bon  Secours'  Bay 
"  moved  only  a  few  miles,  and  the  rear  guard  got  only  a 
"  mile  and  a  half.  Large  details  were  set  at  work  corduroy- 
"  ing  the  worst  places.  On  the  20th,  starting  at  9  A.  M., 
"  they  moved  slowly,  the  rain  falling  in  torrents,  and  the 
"  corduroy  afloat,  and  made  four  miles  by  night.  On  the 
11  morning  of  the  21st  the  rain  was  still  pouring ;  Benton's 
"  division  moved  on,  but  the  train  could  not  even  get  out  of 
"  park.  Every  team  seeking  an  untried  path  soon  got  mired, 
"  and  wagons  were  seen  in  all  directions  sunk  down  to  the 
"  axles.  The  poor  animals,  in  their  struggles  to  haul  the 
11  trains,  half  buried  themselves.  In  this  dilemma  long  ropes 
"  were  made  fast  to  the  teams,  and  the  soldiers,  with  cheer- 
11  fulness  and  alacrity,  hauled  both  animals  and  wagons  out  of 
"  the  mire  with  a  rush,  and  it  was  only  their  speed  that  saved 


PLEASURES  OF  THE  MARCH— ARRIVAL  AT  FISH  RIVER.    163 

"  each  team  from  again  sinking  at  every  rod.  The  same 
"  laborious  efforts  were  applied  to  the  field  artillery.  *  *  * 
"  In  hauling  the  26th  N.  Y.  Battery  through  a  bad 
"  place,  where  the  newly-made  corduroy  had  been  washed 
"  away,  the  men  moved  some  distance  in  mud  and  water 
"  Avaist  deep.  These  labors  were  watched  by  Confederate 
"  scouts.  Only  about  two  miles  were  made  that  day.  The 
"  division  went  into  camp  at  3  p.  M.,  and  made  some  fortifi- 
"  cations  on  their  right.  *  *  On  the  22d  the  division 

"  went  into  camp  near  Fish  Kiver,  and  on  the  23d  moved 
"  over  a  fair  road,  though  hilly,  six  miles,  to  the  north  fork 
"  of  Fish  River,  crossing  it  on  a  pontoon,  and  went  into 
"  camp  on  the  right  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps,  the  bands  play- 
"  ing,  <  Oh,  ain't  you  glad  you're  out  of  the  wilderness  ?  '  " 

This  description  of  our  march  gives  but  a  faint  impression 
of  the  obstacles  and  embarassments  we  had  to  overcome. 
Officers  and  men  were  kept  constantly  at  work  with  the  axe 
or  spade,  felling  trees  for  roads  or  throwing  up  temporary 
fortifications.  Our  artillery  and  trains  gave  us  infinite 
trouble.  With  roads  and  a  soil  such  as  Gen.  Andrews  has 
described,  it  may  be  imagined  that  escorting  and  pulling 
mule  teams  through  the  mud  was  not  a  pleasant  occupation. 
Those  who  have  had  a  similar  experience  know  how  little 
such  duties  tend  to  soften  or  sweeten  the  disposition,  and  I 
fear  our  men,  like  the  "Army  in  Flanders,"  frequently  used 
language  more  forcible  than  polite.  While  bringing  up  our 
division  train  a  squad  of  rebel  cavalry  attacked  our  men, 
but  they  were  soon  dispersed  without  serious  loss  on  our  side. 
We  remained  at  Fish  River  until  the  25th,  thus  having  a 


164  SIXTEENTH    CORPS. 

chance  to  become  somewhat  acquainted  with  the  men  of 
the  Sixteenth  Corps,  which  was  commanded  by  Major- 
General  A.  J.  Smith.  It  had  moved  across  the  bay  on 
transports  from  Fort  Gaines  to  Danley's  ferry  landing. 

This  corps  was  made  up  entirely  of  Western  men,  and  was 
typical  of  the  "free  and  easy"  discipline  which  pervaded 
many  of  the  organizations  hailing  from  that  section  of  the 
country.  No  deference  was  paid  to  rank,  and  it  was  often 
times  impossible  to  distinguish  an  officer  from  a  private.  All 
alike  believed  in  the  inalienable  right  to  forage  as  much  as 
they  pleased,  and  it  was  a  common  saying  that  after  the  Six 
teenth  Corps  had  been  ten  minutes  in  camp  no  chicken  was 
ever  heard  to  crow  within  a  circuit  of  five  miles.  Nearly 
every  organization  maintained  a  squad  of  "bummers"  whose 
duty  it  was  to  scour  the  country  and  confiscate  all  poultry 
and  pigs  for  the  use  of  the  company  or  regimental  commissa 
riat.  But  few,  if  any,  of  the  officers  ever  interfered  to  pre 
vent  such  a  system  of  rapine,  and  the  practice  seems  to  have 
been  regarded  as  entirely  legitimate.  Indeed,  the  reply  im 
puted  to  a  western  Colonel,  to  whom  a  southern  matron  is 
said  to  have  made  a  bitter  complaint  because  some  of  his  men 
had  made  off  with  her  hens  and  chickens,  very  well  illustrates 
the  sentiments  of  Smith's  men  on  this  subject.  As  the 
story  goes,  the  dame  upbraided  the  Colonel  for  the  license 
he  allowed  his  men  to  plunder  the  barnyards  of  helpless 
women,  and  insisted  upon  reparation  being  made  in  the  form 
of  a  restoration  of  her  fowls.  This  demand  the  Colonel  was 
constrained  to  refuse,  with  the  observation  that  the  "rebellion 
must  be  put  down  if  it  took  every  hen  and  chicken  in  the 


APPROACHING  SPANISH  FORT.  165 

State  of  Alabama."  In  the  Eastern  regiments  such  forays 
were  wholly  discountenanced;  but  in  serving  with  troops 
who  utterly  ignored  the  sanctity  of  hen-roosts  and  pig-stys, 
I  have  no  doubt  our  men  were  more  or  less  contaminated  by 
such  unmilitary  behavior,  and  occasionally  indulged  (sub 
rosa,  of  course,)  in  a  dinner  of  fricasseed  chicken  or  fresh 
roast  pig,  although  Gen.  Canby's  order  admonished  them  to 
give  the  preference  to  "  bacon  and  hard  tack."  Notwith 
standing  these  little  idiosyncracies,  the  Sixteenth  Corps 
was  an  excellent  fighting  body,  and  with  all  the  contempt  for 
restraint  which  characterized  the  officers  and  men  composing 
it,  the  record  which  it  made  in  the  field  and  in  many  hard° 
fought  battles,  for  valor  and  general  good  soldierly  qualities, 
was  second  to  none  other  in  the  armies  of  the  Southwest, 

"  On  the  25th,"  (Gen.  Andrews  says)  "  Canby  moved  for- 
"  ward  twelve  miles  with  both  corps  and  some  of  the  heavy 
"  artillery ;  the  men  carrying  four  days  rations  in  haver- 
"  sacks." 

The  next  day  we  moved  cautiously  as  we  found  indication  of 
a  considerable  force  in  our  front.  That  night  we  bivouaced 
within  about  three  miles  of  Spanish  Fort.  More  or  less 
skirmishing  had  been  going  on  all  day  and  as  we  were 
then  so  near  the  main  body  of  the  Confederates,  unusual 
precautions  were  taken  against  surprise.  In  the  course  oi 
the  evening  we  received  an  order  to  be  ready  to  move  at  day 
light  the  next  morning.  Gen.  Andrews  thus  describes  our 
preparations  to  advance :  "  The  morning  of  the  27th  came 
:'  with  a  prospect  of  heavy  rain,  which  to  veteran  soldiers 
"  was  some  sign  of  a  battle.  The  men  had  taken  their  accus- 


166       SPANISH    FORT — CHARACTER   OF    FORTIFICATIONS. 

"  tomed  breakfast  of  hard  bread,  coffee  and  a  slice  of  bacon 
"  toasted  on  a  stick — as  Achilles  cooked  the  fat  chime  at  the 
"  feast  for  the  heroes.  The  usual  hum  of  talk  and  specula- 
"  tion  was  heard  around  the  expiring  fires  of  the  bivouacs. 
"  *  *  *  goon  was  heard  the  spirited  roll  of  the  drum 
"  to  '  fall  in '  greeted  by  that  habitual  and  never- to-be-for- 
"  gotten  shout  or  cheer  of  the  men.  Then  the  cartridge-box 
"  with  its  forty  rounds  is  buckled  on ;  the  blanket  is  twisted 
"  up  and  thrown  around  the  shoulders  ;  the  intrenching  tools 
"  are  picked  up,  the  muskets  taken,  each  company  is  formed, 
"  the  roll  is  called,  and,  at  the  time  fixed,  the  regiments  are 
"  in  line  prepared  to  move  forward." 

Before  entering  upon  the  account  of  the  occurrences  of  the 
27th,  it  may  conduce  to  a  better  understanding  of  the  char 
acter  of  the  works  against  which  we  were  about  to  move  to 
give  Gen.  Andrews'  description  of  the  line  of  field  fortifica 
tions  known  as  Spanish  Fort,  which  is  as  follows:  "  These 
"  defences,"  he  says,  "  were  on  the  bay  shore,  seven  miles 
"  due  east  of  Mobile.  *  *  *  Old  Spanish  Fort  was  a 
"  bastioned  work,  nearly  enclosed,  and  built  on  a  bluff  whose 
"  shape  projected  abruptly  to  the  water.  Its  parapet  on  the 
"  bay  side  was  partly  natural,  being  made  by  excavating  the 
"  earth  from  the  side  of  the  bluff,  and  was  thirty  feet  in 
"  thickness.  The  fort  was  armed  with  7-inch  Columbiads  and 
"  30-pounder  Parrotts — the  latter  made  at  Selma— and  was 
"  designated  No.  1.  Extending  around  that  in  a  semicircle 
"  was  a  continuous  line  of  breastworks  and  redoubts.  The 
"  right  of  this  line  commenced  400  yards  down  the  shore  on 
"  the  highest  and  most  prominent  bluff,  upwards  of  100  feet 


INVESTMENT   OF    SPANISH    FORT.  167 

"  above  the  water,  with  a  strong  enclosed  fort  called  McDer- 
"  mett  (No.  2),  and  armed  with  ten  heavy  guns  (10-inch 
"  Brooks'  rifles).  The  slope  of  the  bluff  toward  the  bay  is 
"  precipitous,  and  from  its  base  to  the  water  is  a  marsh  200 
"  yards  wide,  on  which  the  timber  had  been  felled.  To  the 
"  north  and  left  the  descent  was  gradual,  along  which  ex- 
"  tended  a  line  of  rifle  pits,  crossing  a  ravine  and  stream  of 
"  water,  and  then  up  the  slope  from  the  bluff  on  which  was  a 
"  strong  battery  designated  No.  3.  From  there  the  line  of 
"  the  works  continued  600  yards  in  a  northerly  direction, 
"  and  then  turned  toward  the  bay,  striking  the  marsh  on 
"  Bay  Minette,  at  a  point  about  a  mile  above  old  Spanish 
"  Fort.  This  outer  line  of  works  was  upward  of  two  miles 
"  in  length,  and  the  batteries  were  all  on  high  and  command- 
"  ing  ground.  The  surface  was  covered  with  open  pine 
"  timber,  but  in  front  of  the  outer  line  of  works  the  trees 
"  were  felled  for  a  few  hundred  yards.  Every  ravine  had 
"  borne  a  heavy  growth  of  hardwood,  which  having  been 
"  slashed,  made,  with  the  underbrush  and  vines,  an  almost 
"  impassable  obstruction.  The  ditch  in  front  of  the  breast- 
"  works  was  five  feet  deep  and  eight  feet  wide,  but  in  front 
"  of  Fort  McDermett  it  was  deeper  and  wider.  In  front  of 
"  the  batteries  were  also  detached  rifle  pits  for  sharpshooters ; 
"  and  along  the  entire  front  was  a  line  of  abatis  fifteen  feet 
"  wide." 

Returning  to  our  movements  on  the  morning  of  the  27th. 
Our  division  (Benton's)  was  massed  and  moved  forward,  each 
regiment  being  in  line  of  battle,  directly  toward  Spanish 
Fort  proper,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  other  divisions  of  the 


168       FIEST  DAY  BEFORE  SPANISH  FORT — SEVERE  FIRING. 

Thirteenth  Corps  and  the  entire  Sixteenth  Corps  also  moved 
forward,  either  on  our  right  or  left,  the  Sixteenth  Corps, 
however,  being  entirely  on  our  right.  After  marching  about 
a  mile  our  skirmishers  met  those  of  the  enemy,  whereupon 
sharp  firing  commenced,  and  the  rebels  were  pushed  back  to 
within  a  short  distance  of  their  works.  Our  brigade  (the 
Second)  was  not  halted  until  we  were  within  600  yards  of  the 
rebel  earthworks,  and  midway  between  old  Spanish  Fort  and 
P\,ed  Fort,  the  guns  of  which  commanded  our  position  through 
a  long  ravine.  The  men  were  ordered  to  lie  down  on  account 
of  the  heavy  fire  to  which  we  were  exposed,  both  from  artil 
lery  and  musketry.  It  was  given  out  in  the  morning  that 
our  division  was  to  lead  an  assault,  and  so  we  waited  patiently 
all  day  for  the  order  to  come.  Fortunately,  upon  a  personal 
inspection  of  the  works,  Gen.  Canby  saw  that  the  chances 
were  altogether  against  the  success  of  an  assault,  and  so 
resolved  to  proceed  by  regularly  investing  them.  This  was 
a  wise  and  judicious  decision,  for  an  attempt  to  storm  these 
formidable  defences  at  that  time  would  have  been  attended 
with  very  great  slaughter.  The  enemy's  fortifications,  as 
mentioned  by  Gen.  Andrews,  were  on  the  crest  of  an  eleva 
tion  several  hundred  feet  high.  The  side  of  the  hill  up 
which  Ave  should  have  been  obliged  to  move,  was  one  con 
tinuous  mass  of  fallen  timber,  interlaced  and  arranged  in  the 
most  intricate  manner,  so  that  it  would  have  been  absolutely 
impossible  to  have  marched  even  a  corporal's  guard  up  the 
hillside  abreast. 

The  enemy's  fire  was  so  heavy  during  the  day  that  we 
were  not  able  to  do  anything  towards  intrenching  ourselves, 


CAPTS.    BUTTON    AND    CROFT — SKIRMISH    LINE.          169 

and  until  dark  we  lay  on  the  ground  exposed  to  a  continuous 
fire.  The  colors  of  the  respective  regiments  were  planted  in 
the  ground  and  served  as  targets  for  the  rebel  artillerists- 
Notwithstanding  a  ten  inch  solid  shot  would  occasionally  topple 
over  a  tree,  or  a  huge  shell  explode  and  cover  us  with  dirt,  but 
a  few  of  our  men  were  injured,  although  in  the  brigade  several 
were  killed  and  wounded  during  the  afternoon.  More  danger 
was  to  be  apprehended  from  the  musketry  than  from  the  artil 
lery  however,  as  we  learned  whenever  it  became  necessary 
to  take  up  any  other  than  a  reclining  position.  The  enemy 
had  an  exceedingly  efficient  corps  of  sharpshooters,  and  any 
conspicuous  exposure  of  the  person  was  a  hazardous  operation. 
This  state  of  things  continued  until  darkness  set  in.  The 
engagement  was  general  all  day  and  extended  along  the 
entire  front  of  both  corps.  Soon  after  we  halted  in  the  morn 
ing,  pursuant  to  orders  from  Brigade  Headquarters,  I  sent 
forward  Capt.  Salmon  Dutton  with  his  company  (G)  to  relieve 
a  portion  of  the  Ninty-first  Illinois  on  the  skirmish  line.  He 
remained  out  until  after  nightfall,  expending  most  of  his 
ammunition  and  having  several  men  wounded,  whereupon 
Capt.  George  E.  Croft  with  his  company,  (D)  were  de 
tailed  to  relieve  him.  During  the  night  Capt.  Croft  suc 
ceeded  in  driving  back  the  enemy  in  his  front  and  advanced 
with  his  men  to  within  ten  paces  of  the  rebel  works  where  he 
remained  several  hours  harrassing  them  exceedingly.  At 
daylight  the  rebels  ranged  two  or  three  field  pieces  upon  him 
and  raked  his  position  with  canister.  He  remained  in  the 
immediate  vicinity,  however,  for  some  time,  his  men  protect 
ing  themselves  by  rolling  behind  logs  and  stumps.  When- 


170  CAPT.    WOODMAN — INTRENCHING — SHELLING. 

ever  they  got  an  opportunity  his  men  would  pick  oft  a  Con 
federate  gunner.  Capt.  Croft  brought  in  much  valuable  in 
formation  and  was  highly  praised  by  brigade  and  division 
commanders  for  his  handsome  behavior.  He  was  relieved  by 
Capt.  Austin  E.  Woodman,  with  his  company  (I),  and  by 
company  H.  I  don't  remember  who  then  commanded  it. 
Both  companies  were  subjected  to  a  severe  fire  during  the  en 
tire  day.  As  soon  as  it  became  dark,  the  Seventh  and  the 
Fiftieth  Indiana  were  set  to  work  throwing  up  intrenchments. 
So  diligently  and  faithfully  did  they  handle  their  picks  and 
spades,  that  in  the  morning  they  had  constructed  a  line  ot 
earthworks  sufficiently  long  to  cover  the  front  of  two  regi 
ments,  besides  assisting  in  placing  a  portion  of  two  field  bat 
teries  on  either  flank.  Soon  after  daylight  we  were  relieved 
by  the  Ninety-first  Illinois,  and  started  back  to  encamp  in 
a  position  near  that  which  they  had  just  vacated,  some  two 
or  three  hundred  yards  to  the  rear.  This  movement  was 
witnessed  by  the  enemy,  who  must  have  noted  the  spot 
to  which  we  removed,  for  before  we  had  finished  our 
frugal  breakfast  they  commenced  shelling  us  in  the  most  vig 
orous  manner.  Their  practice  was  perfect,  and  the  very  first 
shell  struck  within  a  few  feet  of  the  regimental  line,  knock 
ing  over  a  stack  of  muskets.  This  was  followed  by  a  solid 
shot  from  a  Parrot  gun  which  killed  an  orderly  and  his  horse- 
within  a  few  feet  of  Col.  Peck  and  myself.  The  orderly  was 
about  mounting,  having  just  delivered  to  me  a  written  order 
from  Brigade  headquarters.  Finding  that  we  could  get 
neither  peace  or  comfort  in  this  position,  we  moved  some  little- 
distance  to  the  left.  About  noon,  however,  we  were  again 


CAPTS.    BULL-ARD   AND    STOWELL — SKIRMISH   LINE.     171 

shelled  out,  the  rebels  having  ascertained  our  location  and 
got  our  range,  and  were  obliged  to  move  our  camp  further 
to  the  rear.  That  afternoon  Gen.  Benton  and  Col.  Day 
(Brigswie  Commander)  called  and  desired  me  to  .accompany 
them  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  a  suitable  place  for  a  brigade 
camp,  it  being  important  that  the  men  coming  out  of  the 
trenches  should  be  able  to  get  a  few  snatches  of  sleep,  un 
disturbed  by  the  explosion  of  ten-inch  shells.  While  we 
were  upon  this  survey  we  necessarily  discovered  ourselves  to 
the  enemy  who  treated  us  to  a  shotted  salute  from  their 
Brooks'  guns;  but,  failing  to  exterminate  us,  they  turned 
their  attention  to  the  field  battery  on  our  left  flank,  and 
soon  demolished  a  good  part  of  our  work  of  the  previous 
night,  behind  which  it  was  located. 

On  the  evening  of  the  28th,  Companies  F  (Capt.  Edgar  M. 
Bullard)  and  C  (Capt.  Henry  Stowell)  were  sent  out  on  the 
skirmish  line,  with  written  orders  to  advance  as  far  as  pos 
sible,  intrenching  themselves  as  they  progressed.  Capt. 
Stowell  has  furnished  me  with  the  following  account  of  their 
experience  :  "  We  left  camp  about  8:30  P.  M.  I  soon  relieved 
"  Capt.  Woodman's  company,  which  was  on  the  side  nearest 
u  our  camp,  and,  as  the  advance  had  already  been  made  by 
"  the  line  on  our  right  (Smith's  Corps),  Companies  F  and  C 
"  advanced  up  the  hillside  without  opposition,  until  the  right 
"  struck  the  left  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  line,  when  they 
"  took  more  distance,  and  with  the  few  spades  they  had  (five 
"  or  six)  wrent  to  work  digging  saps  and  rifle  pits  as  ordered. 
"  I  felt  much  concerned  about  our  safety,  as  the  other  regi- 
"  ments  in  our  brigade  had  failed  to  make  their  appearance 


172  CAPT.  STOWELL'S  EXPERIENCE. 


"  on  the  line,  and,  of  course,  our  left  was  wholly  unpro- 
"  tected.  To  prevent  a  surprise,  we  put  six  men  of  F  Com- 
"  pariy  on  the  left  flank,  at  right  angles  with  our  line. 
"  About  midnight  the  Officer  of  the  Day  came  around,  but 
"  made  no  change  in  our  position.  He  said  the  Western 
"  men  would  soon  advance  and  join  our  left.  This  they  failed 
"  to  do,  and  at  daylight  (29th)  I  discovered  their  line  at  least 
"  fifty  yards  in  rear  of  our  left,  which  distance  they  kept  all  day. 
;'  During  the  night  our  men,  by  diligent  use  of  the  few  spades 
"  we  had,  and  with  bayonets  and  cups,  managed  to  excavate 
"  a  trench  about  thirty-five  feet  long,  with  the  necessary 
"  angles,  and  which  afforded  them  considerable  protection. 
'  Nothing  of  importance  transpired  in  our  front  during  the 
"  day.  But  few  of  our  men  were  wounded,  and  but  one 
"  mortally,  though,  on  account  of  our  advanced  position,  we 
"  were  in  equal  danger  from  the  Western  troops  in  our  rear 
"  as  from  the  rebels  in  our  front.  Lieut.  McCormic  of  C 
"  Company  at  various  times  put  his  overcoat  on  a  musket 
11  and  held  it  up  to  show  to  our  friends  behind  where  we 
"  were.  At  dark  but  few  of  the  eighty  rounds  (per  man)  of 
"  ammunition  we  brought  out  were  left,  and  so  orders  were 
"  given  not  to  fire  except  in  cases  of  necessity.  As  the  night 
"  was  intensely  dark  we  posted  a  few  men  in  advance  of  our 
"  pit  as  a  precaution  against  surprise.  We  should  have  been 
"  relieved  at  9  P.  M.,  but  as  our  relief  did  not  come  I  sent 
"  a  Corporal  to  Brigade  Headquarters  at  11  to  guide  the 
"  relief  should  they  not  know  the  way.  The  men  had 
"  worked  hard  all  the  previous  night  and  had  been  busy  all 
"  day.  They  were  out  of  water,  and  were  hungry  and 


CAPTS.    STOWELL,    CROFT   AND    PARKER — TRENCHES.       173 

"  fatigued.  At  1.20  A.  M.  I  sent  in  a  Sergeant,  as  the  Cor- 
"  poral  had  not  then  returned.  On  his  (the  Sergeant's)  way 
"  to  camp  he  met  Capt.  Croft  of  D  Company,  who  had  been 
"  detailed  Field  Officer  of  the  day  in  place  of  one  wounded. 
:'  He  had  with  him  a  few  men  of  B  Company  who  were 
"  trying  to  find  our  line.  Company  B  (Capt.  Jackson  V. 
"  Parker)  having  been  sent  out  early  to  our  relief,  but  on 
"  account  of  some  heavy  firing  in  front  of  the  brigade  on  the 
"  extreme  left  of  the  line,  and  the  many  obstructions  caused 
"  by  the  fallen  trees,  together  with  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
"  had  got  scattered.  About  3  A.  M.  of  the  30th,  Capt.  Croft 
"  and  the  Sergeant  I  had  sent  in,  came  up  to  our  line,  and 
"  shortly  afterwards  some  of  the  men  of  B  Company  came  up, 
"  followed  directly  by  Capt.  Parker  and  the  balance  of  his 
"  men.  I  gave  him  what  information  I  could  and  then  started 
"  with  the  two  companies  (F  and  C)  for  camp." 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th  the  regiment  again  went  into 
the  trenches,  where  we  were  exposed  more  or  less  to  the 
enemy's  fire.  Gen.  Andrews  says  :  "  the  firing  on  both  sides, 
this 'day,  seemed  to  have  increased  in  severity."  In  the  even 
ing  I  sent  forward  Capt.  Parker  with  his  company  (B)  to  re 
lieve  companies  F  and  C  on  the  skirmish  line.  In  my  official 
report  to  Gen.  Washburn,  I  say  :  "about  midnight  the  rebels 
"  made  a  furious  assault  on  our  skirmishers,  and  succeeded 
"  in  creating  some  little  confusion  without  driving  our  men 
"  back  much.  There  was  such  an  intricacy  of  fallen  timber 
"  and  trees  that  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  the 
"  men  could  be  kept  well  in  hand,  but  Capt.  Parker  showed 
"  great  skill  and  bravery  in  keeping  his  men  together,  and 


174    CAPTURE  OF  CAPT.  STEARNS  AND  MEN  OF  K  COMPANY. 

"  in  rallying  fugitives  from  other  regiments,  and  by  his 
"  personal  courage  soon  re-established  the  line."  The  con 
fusion  to  which  I  referred  did  not  exist  among  any  of  the 
men  of  the  Seventh,  but  arose  in  some  of  the  western 
companies.  In  the  darkness  Capt.  Parker  lost  his  way,  and 
in  attempting  to  find  companies  F  and  C,  fell  in  with  these 
troops  whom  he  aided  and  was  largely  instrumental  in  assist 
ing  them  to  reform  their  line. 

For  several  days  and  nights  we  were  in  the  trenches  con- 
tiuously,  sleeping  in  the  mud  or  on  the  ground  with  no  cov 
ering  but  our  rubber  blankets  and  constantly  exposed  to  an 
artillery  and  musketry  fire.  On  the  evening  of  the  30th  I 
sent  Capt.  Eiley  B.  Stearns  with  his  company,  (K)  to  relieve 
Capt.  Parker  on  the  skirmish  line.  Col.  Peck  and  I  noticed 
during  the  day  that  the  enemy  was  devoting  a  good  deal  of 
attention  to  Capt.  Stearns  and  that  from  time  to  time  they 
shelled  his  position  very  vigorously.  We  became  apprehen 
sive  for  his  safety  and  I  spoke  to  our  brigade  and  division 
commanders  about  him,  and  offered  to  send  forward  some 
men  to  his  assistance.  Neither  Gen.  Benton  or  Col.  Day 
would  consent  to  this,  however.  I  then  asked  that  the  guns 
which  were  annoying  him  might  be  silenced,  which  request 
was  not  complied  with.  Early  in  the  afternoon  the  brush 
wood  and  timber  in  the  rear  of  Capt.  Stearns  was  fired 
(as  we  afterwards  learned  by  the  rebels)  and  the  smoke  ob 
scured  him  from  our  view.  All  this  time  a  severe  cannonade 
was  kept  up  and  I  suspected  some  mischief  was  contemplated. 
But  I  was  powerless  and  could  not  go,  or  send  forward  others 


CAPT.  STEARNS'  REPORT.  175 

to  Capt.  Stearns'  relief.     That  evening  lie  was  captured  with 
twenty  of  his  men.     The  following  is  his  report  of  the  affair  : 

"  CAMP  PAROLE,  NEAR  VICKSBURG,  Miss. 

"  APRIL  16th,  1865. 
"  LIEUT.  GEORGE  W.  SHELDON, 

Adjutant  Seventh  Vermont  Veteran  Volunteers. 
"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that,  in  obedience  to 
"  instructions  from  Kegimental  and  Brigade  Headquarters,  I 
"  relieved  Capt.  Parker  on  the  skirmish  line,  in  front  of  our 
"  regiment  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  ult.  Nothing  of  interest 
"  transpired  during  the  night ;  the  enemy  fired  at  our  position 
"  several  times,  which  was  returned  by  my  men.  Soon  after 
"  daylight  on  the  31st  the  enemy  opened  on  me  with  shell 
"  from  a  gun  on  one  of  the  inland  faces  of  the  fort  on  our 
"  extreme  left,  and  I  soon  found  that  they  had  got  our  range 
"  admirably.  I  had,  during  the  night,  constructed  rude 
"  bomb-proofs,  and  during  the  shelling  ordered  my  men  into 
"  them.  The  shelling  soon  stopped,  and  all  was  quiet  on  the 
"  line  until  about  12  M.,  when  the  same  gun  again  opened 
"  fire.  The  shelling  was  now  so  terrific  that  I  determined 
"  to  fall  back  a  short  distance  as  soon  as  it  became  dark,  and 
"  dispatched  Corporal  Crothers  to  regimental  head-quarters  for 
"  instructions.  I  sent  word  by  him  that  I  expected  to  be 
"  assaulted  before  dark;  and  requested  that  the  gun  which  was 
"  annoying  me  be  silenced,  or  that  the  enemy's  lines  in  my  front 
"  be  shelled,  and  I  would  fall  back  under  the  fire.  At  about  4 
"  o'clock  p.  M.  the  enemy  fired  the  slash  of  trees,  etc.,  covering 
"  the  ground  on  the  right  of  me,  and  I  gave  the  order  to  my 


176  CAPT.  STEARNS'  REPORT. 

"  men  to  fall  back  singly,  as  I  foresaw  that  we  would  be- 
"  smoked  or  burnt  out,  for  there  were  several  trees  felled 
"  close  to  my  position.  As  soon  as  the  first  man  left  I  coun- 
"  termanded  the  order,  for  hundreds  of  bullets  were  sent 
11  after  him.  I  think,  however,  that  he  was  uninjured. 
"  During  the  shelling  many  of  my  men,  and  others  on  the 
"  left,  had  left  their  rifle  pits  and  fallen  back.  In  doing  this 
"  one  of  my  men  (Private  Storrs)  was  wounded.  Just  before 
"  sunset  the  fire  had  extended  around  my  rear  and  on  my 
"  left,  making  so  dense  a  smoke  that  our  lines  could  not  be 
"  seen.  At  this  time  the  shelling  was  resumed,  and  in  less 
11  than  ten  minutes  fifteen  shells  were  exploded  inside  and 
"  directly  over  the  pit  in  which  myself  and  ten  men  were 
"  stationed.  I  had  my  men  cover  themselves  as  best  they 
"  could,  and  ordered  bayonets  to  be  fixed  in  anticipation  of  a 
"  charge  being  made. 

"  At  sunset  the  shelling  suddenly  ceased,  and  the  charge 
"  was  made  in  which  myself  and  twenty  of  my  men  were  cap- 
"  tured.  The  assaulting  party  was  composed  of  Capt.  Wilcox, 
"  (should  be  Watson),  of  Gen.  Gibson's  staff,  a  Lieutenant  and 
"  thirty  men,  fifteen  of  whom  were  picked  from  the  entire 
"  garrison.  The  remainder  were  volunteers.  The  charge 
".was  so  sudden  and  vigorous  that  we  could  offer  but  little 
"  resistance.  I  gave  the  command  to  fire,  which  was  obeyed 
"  by  the  majority  of  my  men,  but  the  next  instant  every  man 
"  had  at  least  one  musket  at  his  head,  with  a  summons  to  sur- 
"  render.  I  found  two  muskets  and  a  revolver  pointed  at  mer 
"  with  a  request  to  come  out  of  the  pit.  I  accepted  the  alter- 
"  native  thus  offered,  and  in  a  short  time  found  myself  before 


CAPT.  STEARNS  -REPORT — CORPORAL  CROTHERS.   177 

"  Gen.  Gibson,  C.  S.  A.,  who  paid  a  very  high  tribute  to  the  men 
"  of  my  command.  He  said  he  had  never  seen  troops  stand 
""  shelling  as  we  had  that  day.  From  him  I  learned  the  plan 
"  which  resulted  in  my  capture,  which  is  as  I  have  described  it, 
"  The  fire  was  kindled  that  the  smoke  might  cover  the  as- 
"  saulting  party  from  our  batteries.  Gen.  Gibson  informed 
"  me  that  no  other  part  of  the  line  would  be  molested;  that 
"  mine  was  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  as  that  forenoon 
"  we  had  killed  his  Chief  of  Artillery,  Col.  Garnet  (should  be 
"  Col.  Burnett),  and  wounded  several  others.  I  was  taken 
"  to  Mobile  the  1st,  to  Meridian,  Miss,  the  3d,  where  I  have 
"  been  confined  in  a  stockade  until  three  days  since  I  came 
"  to  Jackson,  and  from  there  to  this  place.  Arrived  here 
"  last  evening.  Appended  is  a  list  of  the  men  captured.  I 
"  do  not  know  how  many  got  away;  think  some  must  have 
"  been  killed. 

Respectfully  your  obedient  servant, 

K.  B.  STEARNS, 
Capt.  Seventh  Vt.  Vet.  Vols. 

Corporal  Crothers,  of  whom  Capt.  Stearns  speaks  of  having 
sent  back  for  aid,  after  numerous  narrow  escapes  succeeded 
in  reaching  our  lines,  but  it  was  then  too  late  to  send  forward 
re-inforcements.  The  cannonading  just  before  the  sortie  was 
very  heavy  along  our  entire  front,  and  several  of  Capt. 
Stearns  supports  had  fallen  back.  Indeed  it  will  be  seen  by 
Gen.  Andrews'  account  of  the  affair,  that  Capt.  Stearns  and 
his  men  were  all  the  time  in  advance  of  the  main  line  of 
pickets.  I  am  happy  to  give  this  distinguished  officer's 


178    GEN.  ANDREWS'  ACCOUNT  OF  CAPT.  STEARNS'  CAPTURE. 

version  to  set  off  the  brilliancy  of  the  exploit,  as  well  as  Capt. 
Stearns'  modesty  in  reporting  the  behaviour  of  himself  and 
his  gallant  command  in  a  most  trying  and  dangerous  position. 
Gen.  Andrews  says,  after  referring  to  Capt.  Stearns  relieving 
Capt.  Parker  on  the  night  of  the  30th  in  front  of  Confederate 
Battery  No.  3.  *  *  *  "There  was  but  little  firing 
"during  the  night,  and -Capt.  Stearns  advanced  his  line 
"  about  twenty-five  yards  and  dug 'new  pits — though  the 
"  detail  had  but  one  spade — which  brought  him  in  advance 
"  of  the  brigade  line  of  skirmishers.  He  was  within  one 
"  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  works  of  the  garrison, 
"  and  the  musketry  fire  of  his  men  was  exceedingly  trouble- 
11  some  to  their  gunners.  Soon  after  noon  a  shot  from  that 
"  vicinity  had  instantly  killed  Col.  Wm.  E.  Burnett  of  Texas, 
"  Confederate  Chief  of  Artillery,  and  a  valuable  officer. 
"  He  had  for  a  moment  taken  a  rifle  in  his  hand,  and  was  in 
"  the  act  of  aiming  it  from  behind  the  breastworks  through  a 
"  wooden  embrasure.  Capt.  Barnes,  in  Battery  McDermett, 
"  had  been  giving  considerable  attention  to  these  skirmishers, 
"  and  they  were  also  subject  to  afire  from  Eed  Fort.  Begin- 
"  ning  early  in  the  morning,  Barnes  shelled  the  line  with  a 
"  6-ponnd  and  a  24-pound  howitzer  for  three  or  four  hours, 
"  and  made  some  of  the  men  on  Stearns'  left  fall  back 
"  into  the  ravine.  There  was  now  a  lull,  and  the  skir- 
"  mishers  popped  out  their  heads  and  did  some  firing  them- 
"  selves,  for  they  were  fair  marksmen,  and  had  plenty  of 
"pluck.  Barnes  then  brought  out  two  6-pounders  from 
"  McDermett,  placed  them  on  the  hilltop,  and  again  fiercely 
"  shelled  Capt.  Stearns'  position.  *  *  *  The  severe  fire  to 


SORTIE   AND    CAPTURE.  179 

"  which  he  was  exposed  had  already  attracted  the  attention 
41  of  Col.  Holbrook,  the  commanding  officer  of  his  regiment. 
"  Arrangements  were  made  in  the  garrison  for  a  sortie.  Capt. 
'•  Clement  S.  "Watson,  of  Gen.  Gibson's  staff,  volunteered  to  lead 
"  it.  The  rest  of  the  party  was  to  consist  of  Lieut.  A.  C.  ISTew- 
41  ton,  Company  E,  Fourth  Louisiana  Battalion  and  thirty 
"  men,  fifteen  of  whom  were  picked.  At  two  o'clock  in  the 
"  afternoon  preparatory  to  the  sortie  the  garrison  caused  the 
"  slashing  and  brush  on  the  right  of  Capt.  Stearns  to  be  fired, 
"  and  the  smoke  blew  over  and  in  front  of  him.  *  *  * 
"  It  was  now  sunset.  The  cannonading  ceased.  The  same 
41  instant  Capt.  Watson  and  party  were  over  the  garrison 
"  works,  and  concealed  by  the  smoke,  vigorously  rushed  upon 
"  their  expected  prisoners.  *  *  *  Capt.  Stearns  and 
"  twenty  of  his  men  were  captured.  Without  parley  and 
•"  without  delay  their  captors  received  their  arms  and  hurried 
"  them  away  into  the  garrison,  none  of  the  sortie  party 
"  stopped  to  occupy  the  pits.  The  prisoners  were  rapidly 
"  taken  a  roundabout  way  to  a  position  near  the  water, 
"  which  appeared  to  be  sheltered  from  the  fire  of  the  besiegers 
"  by  artificial  ravines.  But  no  curiosity  now  inspired  them 
"  to  notice  the  interior  of  the  garrison.  They  were  confident 
"  their  gallant  comrades  left  behind,  would,  before  many  days 
"  have  full  possession  of  every  thing  around  them ;  and 
"  the  regret  that  they  could  not  be  present  to  participate  in 
"  the  enthusiasm  of  victory  increased  that  distress  of  mind, 
"  which  is  ever  experienced  by  the  patriotic  prisoner.  The 
*•  prospect  before  them  was  dreary. 


180     ENTERTAINED  BY  GEN.  GIBSON — REBEL  ACCOUNTS. 

"  Capt.  Stearns  was  soon  notified  that  lie  was  to  have  an 
"  interview  with  the  General  commanding  the  garrison,  and 
"  was  accordingly  conducted  down  into  a  ravine,  some  sixty 
"  or  seventy  feet  deep,  and  about  thirty  yards  wide  at  the 
"  opening.  The  ravine  was  triangular  with  its  base  facing 
"  north.  In  the  apex  were  two  wall  tents,  into  one  of  which 
"  he  was  taken  and  introduced  to  Gen.  Gibson.  There  were 
"  present  Capt.  Watson  and  the  Lieutenant  who  accompanied 
"  him.  The  General  invited  Capt.  Stearns  to  partake  of  his 
"  supper,  a  frugal  repast  consisting  of  cold  fowl,  cold  water, 
11  with  tin  table  furniture.  This  invitation  was  accepted.  It 
"  was  a  compliment  which  would  have  been  paid  only  to  a 
"  gallant  officer.  The  garrison  had  the  best  opportunity  to 
"  judge  of  the  courage  and  fortitude  of  their  prisoners,  and 
"  the  General  was  generous  in  acknowledging  the  tenacity 
"  and  courage  with  which,  under  a  most  severe  fire,  they 
11  held  to  their  position;  and  the  intelligence  and  address  of 
"  both  the  captors  and  prisoners  seems  to  have  excited  mutual 
"  respect."  Gen.  Andrews  also  gives  the  following  rebel 
accounts : 

"  Heavy  firing  around  Spanish  Fort  all  day.  Col.  Burnett,. 
"  Chief  of  Artillery  to  the  Major-General  Commanding, 
"  killed.  Picket  line  of  the  enemy  on  right  centre  dislodged 
"  and  twenty-one  prisoners  captured." — Diary  of  a  Confed 
erate  Officer. 

"  Gen.  Lidell  to  Col.  Garner  (Chief  of  Staff),  Blakely, 
"  March  31st.  Gen.  Gibson  has  just  telegraphed  me  the 
"  following:  Capt.  Clement  S.  Watson  of  my  staff  and  A.  C. 
"  Newton,  Company  E,  Fourth  Louisiana  Battalion,  led  a, 


RUNNING-  SAPS  AND  MAKING  APPROACHES.      181 

*•'  sortie  at  sunset,  and  drove  the  enemy  from  his  advance 
"  on  Battery  3  ;  killing  a  large  number  and  capturing  one 
"  Captain  and  twenty-one  (should  be  twenty)  enlisted  men. 
"  These  brave  comrades  deserve  the  thanks  and  have  entitled 
41  themselves  to  the  admiration  of  this  army." 

After  the  capture  of  Spanish  Fort,  I  went  to  the  pit 
occupied  by  Capt  Stearns,  with  several  officers  of  our  own 
and  other  regiments,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  all  that  none 
but  a  hero  could  have  held  out  as  he  did,  and  it  was 
conceded  that  his  conspicuous  bravery  and  that  of  his  men 
deserved  the  highest  commendation  and  praise. 

About  the  6th  of  April  we  were  detailed,  with  the  Twenty- 
ninth  Iowa,  to  assist  Bertram's  Brigade,  which  held  the 
extreme  left  of  our  line,  in  running  saps  and  advancing 
our  approaches  to  Old  Spanish  Fort  (Battery  No.  1)  and  to 
McDermett  (Battery  No.  2),  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
were  the  strongest  and  most  heavily  armed  of  all  the  enemy's 
works,  and,  in  some  respects,  were  the  most  important,  as 
they  commanded  the  channel.  It  was  against  these  forts 
that  naval  operations  were  directed,  and,  with  the  heavy 
ordnance  here  concentrated  on  both  sides,  and  the  obstacles 
to  be  overcome,  owing  to  the  peculiar  topography  of  the 
country,  the  work  to  be  performed  required  intelligence  and 
courage.  We  soon  found  out  the  difference  between  the  ex 
plosion  of  a  10  and  15-inch  shell  and  one  discharged  from  an 
ordinary  field  piece ;  nor  were  we  long  in  ascertaining  that  a 
projectile  sent  from  a  Brooks'  rifle  was  more  destructive  to 
fortifications  than  the  small  pellets  fired  at  us  from  light 
Napoleons.  Gen.  Granger  told  me  that  he  selected  our  regi- 


182  RUNNING   SAPS  AND    PERILS    INCIDENT  THERETO. 

ment  himself  for  this  perilous  work.  That  to  properly  con 
duct  operations  against  these  powerful  batteries  it  was  neces 
sary  that  his  engineer  officers  should  have  a  thoroughly  dis 
ciplined  and  reliable  force  to  assist  them,  and  for  that  reason 
he  picked  out  the  Seventh  and  Twenty-ninth.  We  accord 
ingly  removed  our  camp  to  a  bluff  overlooking  D'Olieve's 
Bay  and  the  Apalachee  Kiver,  within  comfortable  range  of 
the  enemy's  guns,  and  at  once  commenced  work.  The  regi 
ment  was  divided  into  equal  details,  which  alternated  in 
reporting  to  the  Chief-Engineer,  Capt.  Palfrey,  an  accom 
plished  and  courageous  officer  of  the  regular  army.  The 
duties  of  these  details  consisted  in  putting  the  siege  guns 
into  position,  and  running  the  zig-zag  lines  and  approaches 
usual  in  siege  operations.  In  doing  this  they  worked,  so  to 
speak,  with  the  spade  in  one  hand  and  the  musket  in  the 
other.  Each  day  brought  them  nearer  the  enemy's  works  and 
increased  their  peril.  On  the  day  before  the  evacuation  our 
advance  saps  were  within  less  than  one  hundred  yards  of 
the  rebel  ramparts.  This  work  was  extremely  difficult  and 
dangerous.  Our  men  were  under  fire  every  moment.  If  a 
man  exposed  any  part  of  his  person  he  became  the  target 
for  sharpshooters,  and  as  each  battery  was  erected  the  enemy 
sought  to  demolish  it  with  their  heavy  artillery.  Day  and 
night  there  was  the  constant  wailing  of  shells,  and  bombs 
from  co-horn  mortars  were  continually  dropping  into  the 
saps  and  trenches,  requiring  much  agility  and  "  ground  and 
lofty  tumbling "  to  escape  the  effects  of  their  explosion. 
At  night  the  burning  fuse  disclosed  their  semi-circular  course, 
and  we  could  calculate  with  a  little  certainty  where  they 


PROGRESS   OF    THE    SIEGE.  183 

would  fall ;  but,  during  the  day,  it  required  an  acute  eye  to 
see  their  approach,  or  to  determine  where  they  would  light. 

Gen.  Andrews,  in  speaking  of  the  operations  of  the  sixth 
day  of  the  siege,  says:  "On  the  right,  in  McDermett,  Capt. 
"  Barnes  received  from  Mobile  two  20-pound  Parrotts  and 
"  one  8-inch  mortar.  The  latter  was  put  in  position  one 
"  hundred  yards  inside  the  fort  on  the  interior  of  the  hill. 
"  These  increased  the  whole  number  of  the  pieces  to  eighteen." 

By  this  time  we  had  got  our  siege  guns  into  position  and 
were  able  to  do  much  more  effective  work  than  during  the 
early  days  of  the  investment.  Gen.  Andrews,  speaking  of  the 
seventh  day  of  the  siege,  says :  "  Sunday  morning  opened 
"  clear  and  mild,  yet  gave  no  pause  to  the  roar  of  artillery 
"  and  the  screeching  of  shells.  *  *  *  The  usual  Sunday 
11  morning  inspection  was  observed  at  8  o'clock  by  those  of  the 
"  besiegers  not  on  duty;  the  drum-beat  all  along  the  line  gave 
"  the  signals;  and  afterward  were  heard  the  cheering  strains 
"  of  the  brass  bands.  When  the  garrison  artillerists  could 
"  do  so,  they  were  disposed  to  blend  with  this  agreeable 
"  music  the  explosion  of  a  shell.  The  two  left  sections  of 
"  Mack's  Eighteenth  N.  Y.  Battery— four  20-pounder  rifles— 
"  opened  in  Granger's  front  (slightly  to  the  right  of  our  po- 
"  sition)  four  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  McDermett.  *  *  * 
•  "  The  firing  was  exceedingly  lively  and  accurate,  and  was 
"  ably  answered  by  the  guns  under  Capt.  Barnes.  *  *  * 
"  Solid  shot  and  shell  literally  hailed.  *  *  *  About 
"  eleven  Slocum's  Washington  Artillery  came  to  the  assist- 
"  ance  of  Fort  McDermett,  for  the  latter  was  receiving  some 
"  heavy  blows  also  from  the  First  Indiana's  8-inch  mortars  and 


184  PROGRESS    OF    THE    SIEGE. 

41  the  Massachusetts  light  guns  on  Mack's  left  and  rear."  (This 
was  at  that  point  of  the  line  where  we  were  stationed  and 
the  batteries  engaged  we  supported.)  "  The  Washington 
"  Artillery  almost  enfiladed  Mack's  position,  and  hurled  their 
u  hideous  projectiles  at  him  from  11  o'clock  till  one  in  the 
"  afternoon.  Having  no  guns  to  bear  on  them — they  being 
"  too  far  to  his  right — he  could  only  increase  the  intensity  of 
"  his  fire  on  the  guns  in  his  immediate  front.  *  *  *  Soon 
"  after  1  o'clock  the  enemy  ceased  firing,  but  at  4  r.  M.  they 
"  opened  again,  *  *  and  the  combat  continued  until 

"  dark." 

Speaking  of  the  eighth  day  of  the  siege,  Gen.  Andrews  says  : 
*  *  "  The  four  10-inch  mortars  of  Company  K,  Sixth 
"  Michigan  Heavy  Artillery,  were  set  in  the  rifle  pits  *  *  * 
"  close  to  the  edge  of  the  bluff  (our  position),  four  hundred 
"  and  fifty  yards  from  McDermett.  *  *  *  A  battery  of 
11  four  8-inch  howitzers  of  the  First  Indiana  also  took  posi- 
"  tion  there  the  same  day.  The  first  section  of  the  mortars 
"  opened  in  the  afternoon  in  a  satisfactory  manner  in  presence 
"  of  Gen.  Granger  and  several  other  officers.  *  *  The 

"  enemy's  mortars  did  considerable  shelling  during  the  day, 
41  and  at  3  r.  M.  the  Washington  Artillery  on  Mack's  right 
"  again  commenced  throwing  shells,  and  kept  it  up  inces- 
41  santly  to  a  quarter  to  five  P.  M."  Speaking  of  our  labors  at 
this  time,  he  says  :  "  The  toil  of  the  besiegers  was  incessant 
41  and  severe.  *  The  second  parallel  had  been 

11  opened ;  in  some  places  the  third  ;  approaches  or  saps  dug, 
41  and  heavy  batteries  from  day  to  day  being  constructed. 
"  It  was  by  no  means  smooth  work,  for  in  some  places  the 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   SIEGE.  185 

•"  ground  was  rocky,  in  others  it  was  filled  with  stumps  and 
44  roots  and  covered  with  large  logs.  The  details  had  become 
"  so  wearing  on  the  men  that  the  officers  sometimes  took  the 
"  muskets  and  went  on  duty  themselves  as  sharpshooters, 
"  while  the  men  rested  and  slept.  Besides  the  work  already 
"  referred  to,  the  besiegers  had,  in  rear  of  their  first  or  outer 
"  line,  constructed  bomb-proof  quarters.  For  the  most  part 
"  these  were  regular  and  sunk  in  the  earth.  The  pits  would 
"  hold  from  three  to  eight  men,  and  were  so  arranged  that 
"  the  occupants  could  lie  down.  They  were  covered  over 
"  with  layers  of  logs,  sometimes  three  thicknesses,  over  which 
11  were  from  one  to  four  feet  of  earth,  varying  according  to 
"  the  exposure  of  their  situation  and  the  industry  of  the 
'"  occupants." 

G-en.  Andrews  also  gives  the  following  account  from  the 
rebels  of  this  day's  proceedings :  "  Gibson  to  Maury  :  We 
"  have  been  thoroughly  shelled  all  night,  and  there  is  brisk 
"  musketry  this  morning.  I  never  saw  such  digging  as 
"  the  enemy  does — he  is  like  a  mole.  He  is  constructing 
"  heavy  batteries  on  my  extreme  flanks  that  are  going  to  give 
"  me  great  trouble.  I  wish  I  had  more  men  and  guns.  We 
"  have  been  up  all  night.  It  is  digging  all  night  and  fighting 
"  all  day.  Be  certain  to  send  more  wooden  embrasures, 
•"'  iron  screens  and  the  heavy  guns." 

Diary  of  Confederate  Officer  :— "  April  4th-— Mortar  firing 
"  going  on  steadily  all  day  at  Spanish  Fort.  The  enemy's 
"  batteries  are  largely  increased.  Tremendous  cannonading 
"  from  4  P.  M.  to  7— from  thirty  to  forty  guns  and  a  dozen 
"mortars.  We  reply  from  nearly  the  same  number.  One 
""  sap  roller  appears  in  front  of  our  left  centre." 


186  FIRST  GENERAL  BOMBARDMENT. 

About  o  o'clock  P.  M.  of  the  ninth  day  of  the  siege  (April  4) 
a  general  bombardment  of  the  enemy's  works,  along  our  entire 
line,  was  ordered,  and  all  the  troops  were  directed  to  form  in 
line  of  battle  behind  our  earthworks  to  be  ready  to  make 
an  assault  if  it  should  be  deemed  best.  We  took  position 
nearly  in  front  of  Old  Spanish  fort  and  McDermett,  where 
the  artillery  fire  was  very  heavy  for  over  two  hours.  It  was 
a  grand  sight  and  will  not  soon  pass  from  the  memory  of 
those  who  witnessed  it. 

Gen.  Andrews  thus  describes  this  day's  operations :  * 
"  At  this  time  the  advance  parallels  of  the  besiegers  were 
11  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  different  salients  of  the 
"  garrison  fortifications.  The  garrison  had  also  extended 
11  counter  approaches  and  rifle  pits,  so  that  the  sharpshooters 
"  on  both  sides  were  within  talking  distance.  In 

"  Granger's  front,  Battery  No.  1  on  the  extreme  left  was 
"  finished  for  eight  pieces.  *  *  *  In  anticipation  of  the 
!t  general  bombardment  that  was  to  commence  at  5  P.  M.,  the 
11  besieger's  artillery  fired  but  little  before  that  hour.  The 
P  10-inch  mortars  *  *  *  on  the  left  did  not,  however, 
"  entirely  neglect  McDermett,  and  their  fire  was  answered. 
"  A  24-pound  shell  exploded  at  the  entrance  of  a  magazine,  but, 
"  did  no  harm;  another  shell  struck  among  the  men  while  at 
"  dinner,  wounding  a  corporal  and  arousing  an  Irishman's 
11  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of  the  coffee.  During  the  day 
"  the  garrison  were  quite  annoying  with  their  co-horn  mor- 
"  tars,  and  troubled  the  infantry  in  their  advanced  pits  ex- 
11  ceedingly.  The  fire  from  small  mortars  was  troublesome 
"  on  both  sides. 


BOMBARDMENT — PROGRESS    OF   THE    SIEGE.  187 

"  At  this  date  we  had  in  position  thirty-eight  siege  guns- 
"  (including  six  20  pounder  rifles  and  sixteen  mortars)  and 
"  thirty-seven  field  guns,  all  of  which  (75)  opened  fire  at  5 
"  P.  M.  and  continued  till  7  P.  M.  The  orders  were  for  each 
"  gun  to  fire  every  three  minutes.  There  was  not  much  re- 
"  sponse  except  from  the  guns  of  Old  Spanish  Fort.  It  was 
"  a  well  sustained  and  grand  bombardment.  The  garrison 
"  sought  shelter  in  their  bomb-proofs.  Clouds  of  dust  rose  from 
"  their  parapets.  The  earth,  says  a  correspondent,  actually 
"  trembled  from  the  effects  of  this  mighty  fire.  Meanwhile 
:i  the  sharpshooters  in  the  skirmish  trenches,  or  pits,  kept  up 
"  their  accustomed  firing." 

Referring  to  the  10th,  llth  and  12th  days  of  the  siege,  Gen. 
Andrews  says  :  "  April  5th.— At  this  stage,  mortar  shells 
"  were  thrown  into  the  enemy's  works  through  the  nighu 
"  at  regular  intervals.  *  *  *  There  was  a  moderate 
"  amount  of  firing  by  our  artillery  to-day.  *  *  *  The 
"  mortars  in  front  of  McDermett  were  actively  engaged,  and 
"  disabled  a  24-pounder  howitzer  in  that  fort.  The  enterprise 
"  of  our  men  on  the  left  was  marked,  and  Gen.  Gibson  was 
"  apprehensive  an  effort  would  be  made  to  turn  his  right. 
"  Capt.  Barnes  [rebel]  while  signalling  to  his  8-inch  mortar, 
"  in  the  rear  of  McDermett,  was  struck  by  a  musket  ball 
"  and  fell  severely  wrounded. 

"  April  6th. — There  was  but  little  artillery  firing  during 
"  the  day.  There  was  no  interruption  of  work  in  the  trenches. 
"  On  the  left  some  of  our  men  established  a  new  line,  taking 
"  some  rifle  pits  in  which  were  found  three  confederate  dead. 


188  PROGRESS    OF    THE   SIEGE. 

"  April  7 tli. — The  gunboats  steamed  up  and  anchored  close 
•"  to  the  torpedo  net,  5170  yards  from  Spanish  Fort;  but  did 
""  not  open  fire  however,  on  account  of  the  presumed  ex- 
"  posed  condition  of  the  land  forces  in  their  advanced  rifle 
"  pits.  But  on  the  morning  of  the  7th,  the  flagship  signalled 
"  the  Octarora  to  fire,  which  she  did.  The  fire  continued  at 
"  intervals  during  the  day. 

"  Our  infantry  were  busy  still  in  advancing  their  ap- 
11  preaches;  and  the  sharp-shooting  on  both  sides  from  the 
"  advance  rifle  pits  rendered  it  unsafe  for  a  man's  head  to  be 
"  exposed  there  for  a  moment.  In  the  morning  there  was  a 
"  sharp  struggle  on  the  left  to  hold  an  advanced  position  our 
"  men  had  gained.  *  *  *  During  the  day  the  artillery's 
'"  fire  was  light.  In  the  afternoon  there  was  a  heavy  fall  of 
"  rain.  We  were  getting  ready  for  another  bombardment." 

Referring  to  the  13th  and  last  day,  Gen.  Andrews  says  : 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  Gens.  Gibson  and  Holtzclaw 
"  were  of  opinion  it  was  time  to  evacuate.  But  Lieut.  Col. 
"  Williams  expected  to  finish  a  Battery  for  four  12-pounders 
"  to  enfilade  our  left,  and  have  them  in  position  the  ensuing 
""  night.  It  was  therefore  concluded  to  hold  on  another  day 
"  to  give  Williams  an  opportunity  to  try  his  battery.  Mean- 
*'  while  orders  were  given  for  all  the  garrison  artillery  to 
"  open  vigorously  at  4  p.  M.  In  view  of  the  close  approach 
u  of  the  besiegers  steps  were  also  taken  to  have  additional 
"  torpedoes  planted." 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  mentioned  that  we  were 
greatly  annoyed  by  those  destructive  explosives  from  the  time 
of  leaving  Fish  River  and  several  men  and  horses  were  killed. 


TORPEDOES— FINAL    BOMBARDMENT.  189" 

The  principal  roads  were  strewn  with  loaded  shell  and  cover 
ed  over  with  a  thin  layer  of  earth  so  as  to  conceal  their 
whereabouts.  A  very  slight  pressure  would  cause  their  ex 
plosion.  I  recall  one  instance  when  two  cavalry  men  and 
their  horses  were  killed  by  one  of  these  missiles,  they  having 
unconsciously  ridden  over  the  spot  where  it  was  planted. 

A  net  work  of  torpedoes  was  also  planted  in  front  of  the 
enemy's  fortifications;  pathways,  like  walks  in  a  garden, 
were  marked  out,  which  were  known  to  the  rebels,  whereby 
they  were  able  to  move  in  front  of  their  lines  in  safety,  but 
our  men,  not  knowing  the  position  or  direction  of  these  paths, 
were  in  constant  danger  of  being  blown  up.  Continuing 
his  account  of  the  last  day  of  the  siege,  Gen.  Andrews  says : 
:<  In  Bertram's  front  the  works  were  carried  to  within  one 
"  hundred  yards  of  McDermett.  There  was  now  in  position 
"  in  the  Minette  Bay  Battery  (extreme  right)  four  30-pound- 
"  ers  and  two  200-pounder  rifles;  against  Spanish  Fort,  fifty- 
"  three  siege  guns  (including  nine  20-pounder  rifles  and  six- 
"  teen  mortars)  and  thirty-seven  field  guns,  a  total  of  ninety- 
"  six  guns.  Four  siege  rifles. and  five  siege  howitzers  on  the 
"  left  center  enfiladed  the  garrison's  centre  and  left,  and  four 
"  siege  howitzers  close  in  on  the  extreme  right  enfiladed 
"  their  centre.  A  bombardment,  which  proved  to  be  the 
"  final  one,  opened  from  all  these  guns  at  5:30  p.  M.,  and 
"  continued  till  7:30  p.  M.  Gen.  Canby  was  intending  to 
"  assault  the  garrison's  works  the  following  morning  at  8 
"  o'clock.  *  *  Before  the  bombardment  commenced 

"  the  besiegers  took  the  precaution  to  double  the  force  of 
"  their  sharpshooters  and  the  reserves.     The  garrison  having 


190  OCCUPATION   OF  SPANISH    FORT. 

"  arranged  for  a  general  artillery  fire,  opened  before  the 
«.'  bombardment  was  begun.  *  *  *  The  fire  of  so  many 
"  large  guns,  and  the  loud  explosion  of  shells,  produced  one 
"  of  those  sublime  scenes  which  seldom  occur,  even  in  the 
"  grandest  operations  of  war.  There  is  scarcely  anything 
"  in  the  phenomena  of  nature  to  which  it  could  be  compared; 
"  certainly  not  the  distant  murmur  of  the  thunder,  nor  its 
11  near  and  startling  crash." 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  a  portion  of  Carr's  Division 
Sixteenth  Corps  effected  a  lodgment  inside  the  enemy's  forti 
fications,  and  at  1  o'clock  A.  M.  we  became  aware  that  the 
enemy  had  abandoned  their  works,  and  we  immediately  took 
possession.  At  this  time  a  detachment  of  the  Seventh  were 
within  less  than  one  hundred  yards  of  McDermett,  construct 
ing  a  battery.  Thus  after  thirteen  days  ended  the  siege  of 
Spanish  Fort,  I  have  quoted  quite  extensively  from  Gren. 
Andrews'  interesting  history  which  although  relating  to  the 
operation  of  Gen.  Canby's  entire  army  gives  a  pretty  good 
idea  of  our  every-day  experience.  It  will  be  seen  from  the 
extracts  I  have  made,  that  the  extreme  left  where  we  were 
stationed  was  a  very  important  position,  and  that  the  troops 
occupying  that  point  were  exposed  to  constant  danger,  and 
were  obliged  to  labor  incessantly.  For  thirteen  nights  and 
days  in  succession  there  was  not  a  moment  that  the  Seventh 
was  not  exposed  to  either  a  musketry  or  artillery  fire,  and  much 
of  the  time  its  officers  and  men  were  exposed  to,  and  working 
under  a  most  severe  and  galling  fire  from  both.  Notwith 
standing  all  this,  however,  there  was  not  an  instance  in  which 
there  was  evinced  the  slightest  disposition  on  the  part  of  its 


INCIDENTS   OF   THE   SIEGE.  191 

members  to  flinch  or  shrink  from  performing  any  duty  how 
ever  arduous  or  perilous.  Many  individual  acts  of  heroism 
were  performed  by  the  line  officers  and  enlisted  men,  and  I 
regret  that  I  have  not  the  material  at  hand  to  here  narrate 
them.  The  Field  and  Staff  too  deserve  mention.  Col.  Peck 
was  ever  ready  to  perform  his  duty,  and  took  his  chances  with 
the  rest  in  the  trenches  and  at  the  front,  as  did  also  Adjut, 
George  W.  Sheldon. 

Gen.  Andrews,  in  speaking  of  the  incidents  of  the  siege, 
says : 

"  Eeckless  exposure  of  life  in  a  siege  commands  no  part  of 
"  that  applause  which  is  earned  by  daring  in  its  true  sense. 

'  Yet  light  censure  will  .be  cast  on  such  examples,  consider- 
"  ing  the  tendency  of  men  to  grow  timid  by  long  continued 
"  service  in  trenches.  The  daily  history  of  every  regiment 
•"  in  the  siege  would  doubtless  exhibit  individual  acts  of  gal- 
"  lantry,  and  even  of  rashness,  on  the  part  of  the  enlisted 
"  men.  *  Sometimes  the  firing  between  the  Federal 

"  and  Confederate  sharp-shooters  would  cease  and  there  would 
"  be  some  conversation  between  them.  Conversation,  when  it 
"  occurred,  was  generally  jocular  and  sarcastic  in  its  character. 

1  When  a  Federal  addressed  a  Confederate  he  called  out 
"  'Halloo  Johnnie;'  the  Confederate  answered  'Halloo  Yank.' 
:c  In  Spanish  Fort  the  artillerists  named  their  heavy  guns  in 
"  honor  of  the  ladies  of  their  officers,  with  the  name  in  laro-e 
"  letters  placarded  on  the  gun  as  '  The  Lady  Gibson,'  '  The 
:c  Lady  Slocum,'  'The Lady  Maury,'  etc.  The  gunners  spoke 
"  of  them  by  their  names  instead  of  No.  1,  2,  etc.,  and.  were 
"  always  exceeding  polite  and  complimentary  to  them.  They 


192  MARCH    TO    BLAKELY — STEELED   ASSAULT. 

"  also  named  the  Federal  guns,  but  called  them  'Anna  Maria/ 
"  '  Sarah  Jane/  '  Elizabeth  Ann/  etc.  And  when  a  Federal 
"  gun  was  fired  the  sentinel  would  say,  '  Look  out,  boys, 
"  "  Anna  Maria  "  is  going  to  speak.'  It  would  pass  down 
"  the  line,  and  all  knew  in  advance  the  direction  the  shot 
"  would  come,  and  get  shelter. 

"  The  effect  of  some  of  the  shells  was  fearful.  One  clay  a 
11  Federal  mortar  shell  fell  inside  the  garrison  works,  plung- 
"  ing  through  seven  feet  of  earth  and  logs,  and  killing. 
"  four  men  and  wounding  three,  all  of  whom  were  asleep. 
"  One  of  the  men  was  thrown  up  twenty  feet  into  the  air  and 
"  came  down  dead,  of  course,  for  every  bone  in  him  was 
"  broken,  but  he  was  not  at  all  torn." 

At  daybreak  of  the  9th  (Sunday),  we  were  able  to  look 
over  the  ground  embraced  within  the  enemy's  lines,  for  which 
we  had  so  earnestly  contended.  Early  that  morning  I  re 
ceived  orders  to  report  back  to  our  brigade,  which  I  did. 
Shortly  before  noon  the  entire  Thirteenth  corps,  except 
Bertram's  brigade,  left  to  garrison  Spanish  Fort,  was  on  its 
way  to  Blakely,  which,  since  April  2d,  had  been  besieged  by 
Major-General  Steele's  forces  from  Pensacola.  As  we  drew 
near  Steele's  line,  towards  evening,  we  noticed  there  was 
very  heavy  firing  going  on.  In  a  little  while  an  order  came 
down  the  line  for  us  to  prepare  to  take  part  in  an  assault. 
Before  we  could  reach  ground  proper  to  form  upon,  Steele's 
men  had  gallantly  stormed  and  carried  the  rebel  works,  and 
we  were  therefore  deprived  of  participating  in  that  honorable? 
affair. 


TORPEDOES— MARCH    TO    STAKK's   LANDING.  193 

The  assaulting  column  suffered  greatly  from  torpedoes. 
The  .rebels  had  planted  them  in  front  of  their  works  at  Blakely, 
even  more  extensively  than  at  Spanish  Fort,  and  it  was  un 
safe  to  approach  the  fortification,  even  during  daylight.  Gen. 
Andrews  says :  "  All  the  forepart  of  the  night,  there  were 
"  explosions  of  torpedoes,  and  some  were  killed  by  them  while 
"  searching  for  the  dead  and  wounded."  Here,  as  at  Spanish 
Fort,  the  enemy  had  pathways  through  these  beds  of  explo 
sives,  regularly  staked  or  marked  out,  The  next  morning 
Gen.  Steele  very  properly  set  the  rebel  prisoners  at  work 
clearing  the  ground  of  these  torpedoes.  This  was  done  by 
spreading  brush  over  the  ground  and  setting  fire  to  it,  which 
caused  many  of  them  to  explode.  As  a  space  was'  burnt 
over  the  prisoners  would  spread  more  brush  over  an  equal 
distance  in  front,  and  so  on  until  a  roadway  of  sufficient 
width  was  obtained.  Of  course  some  of  the  torpedoes  did 
not  go  off,  and  it  was  hazardous  business  walking  upon  the 
ground,  even  after  it  had  been  burnt  over,  and  hence  the  rebels 
were  indignant  that  they  should  be  set  to  do  such  dangerous 
work.  But  Gen.  Steele  was  inexorable,  taking  the  ground 
that  if  such  a  system  of  warfare  was  resorted  to  they  should 
be  the  first  to  suffer  from  it, 

We  remained  at  Blakely  until  the  morning  of  the  llth, 
when  our  division  and  another  of  the  Thirteen  Corps,  under 
Granger,  marched  back  toward  Spanish  Fort  to  Stark's  Land 
ing,  where  we  embarked  on  transports.  During  the  march 
we  received  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  Richmond.  The  next 
day  (the  12th),  escorted  by  a  fleet  of  tin  clads  and  gunboats, 
we  proceeded  across  to  the  western  shore  of  the  bay,  where 


194  MAGNOLIA   POINT. 

we  effected  a  landing  at  a  place  called  Magnolia  Point,  some 
seven  miles  from  the  outskirts  of  the  City  of  Mobile.     Our 
regiment  was  one  of  the  first  to  disembark.     We  anticipated 
some  fighting  before  getting  possession  of  the  city,  but  we 
afterwards  learned  that  arrangements  had  been  substantially 
agreed    upon    previously   between    the    Mayor    and    Gen.. 
Granger,  that  the  city  should  be  turned  over  to  him  with 
out   opposition.      A  jovial  tar — Capt.   Kirkland— happened 
to  command  the  tin-clad  convoying  the  Seventh,   and  just 
before  we  landed  he  asked    me  if  it  would  not    be    well 
to  drop   a   shell  or  two    in    a   clump   of  trees  near  where 
we  were    about  to  disembark  to  ascertain  whether  any  of 
the   enemy   were   concealed   or   asleep   there.     Not   having 
been  consulted  by   Gen.   Granger  or  the  Mayor,  and  being 
ignorant  of  the  arrangements  they  had  entered  into,  I  replied 
that  I  thought  the  scheme  was  a  good  one,  and  so  Kirkland 
with  exquisite  accuracy  lodged   a    30-pounder  Parrott  shell 
directly  in  the  centre  of  this  pretty  little  bunch  of  magnolias. 
It  seems  some  of  the   Peace  Commissioners  had  assembled 
there  at  a  tavern  concealed  from  our  view,  intending,  I  suppose, 
to  receive   us  when  we   landed.     The    result  of  Kirkland'a 
markmanship  however,  broke  up  the  gathering  rather  rudely 
and  summarily,  for  before  he  could  land  another  shell,  three 
or  four  carriages  filled  with  citizens,  emerged  from  the  grove 
and  started   up  the  shell   road  toward    Mobile  for  dear  life. 
To  my  astonishment  a  huge  shell  was   next  dropped  just  in 
the  rear  of  the  last  vehicle,  but  not  so  as  to  endanger  the  oc 
cupants.     I  asked  why  this  was  done,  as  the  fugitives  seemed 
to  be   non-combatants,  and   received  for  reply,    "  that  the 


OCCUPATION   OF    MOBILE — MARCH    TO  WHISTLER.         195 

gentlemen  appeared  to  be  without  whips  and  it  was  feared 
they  would  be  late  for  dinner  if  the  pace  of  their  horses  was 
not  accelerated.-" 

The  shell  road  was  a  favorite  place  for  the  "  chivalry  "  to 
speed  their  horses,  and  doubtless  good  time  had  been  made 
over  it,  but  I  doubt  if  four  hacks  ever  made  such  remarkable 
time  as  those  containing  these  Peace  Commissioners,  spurred 
on  as  they  were  by  Kirkland's  guns. 

On  landing  we  proceeded  up  the  shell  road  to  within 
about  a  mile  of  the  city,  where  we  encamped  for  the  night. 
The  Field  and  Staff  and  some  of  the  other  officers  slept  on  the 
soft  side  of  the  floor  of  a  toll-house,  which  was  the  first  time 
in  nearly  two  months  that  we  had  not  lain  either  in  sand  or 
mud.  Although  the  orders  were  not  to  leave  our  posts  a  few 
of  us  got  permission  to  ride  into  the  city  that  evening.  As 
we  had  not  had  a  square  meal  for  some  time  we  repaired  to 
the  Battle  House,  thinking  we  might  there  get  a  sumptuous 
repast.  In  this  however  we  were  disappointed  as  about  the 
only  thing  in  the  way  of  food  left  in  the  city  was  bacon  and 
corn  bread.  We  therefore  sadly  returned  to  our  own  bacon 
and  hardtack. 

The  next  morning  Benton's  division  was  ordered  in  pur 
suit  of  the  retreating  enemy,  and  accordingly  marched 
through  the  city  and  to  a  station  on  the  Mobile  and 
Ohio  Eailroad  called  Whistler,  where  the  machine  shops- 
of  the  road  were  situated.  The  rebels  had  removed  most  of 
the  rolling  stock,  but  it  was  reported  that  they  were  destroy 
ing  much  valuable  property,  and  hence  we  were  pushed  for 
ward  to  intercept  this  work.  Our  brigade  held  the  advance 


196  ACTION    AT   WHISTLER. 

and  shortly  before  we  reached  the  town  Col.  Day  with  the 
Ninety-first  Illinois  and  Twenty-ninth  Iowa  branched  off  to 
the  left  leaving  me  to  march  along  the  railroad  with  the  Sev 
enth  and  Fiftieth  Indiana.     In   a  few    minutes    we   heard 
rapid  musketry  firing  from  the  direction  taken  by  Col.  Day, 
who  sent  back  word  that  he  had  encountered  a  large  force  of 
the  enemy  and  directing  us  to  come  to  his  support  at  once. 
I  gave  the  order  to  unsling  knapsacks  and  we  proceeded  to  the 
front  at  double-quick,  the  men  obeying  with  great  spirit  and 
alacrity.    We  were  soon  under  a  heavy  fire.    Fortunately  the 
woods  were  very  close  and  not  as  many  men  were  injured  as 
would  otherwise  have  been  the  case.     The  rebels  had  crossed 
a   run    or   swamp,  and  were  posted   on    a  slight  eminence 
but    a    short    distance    off.      Across    this    strip  of  marsh 
was    a    wooden    bridge,    which     they    had    fired    as  they 
fell  back  over  it.      The  Lieut,   Colonel   of  the  Ninety-first 
Illinois,  instead  of  attempting  to  put  out  the  fire  and  cross 
on  the  bridge,  sought  to  march  his  regiment  through  this 
thick  fen,  in  the  execution  of  which  movement  he  had  mired 
and  entangled  over  two- thirds  of  his  men,  so  that  upon  our 
arrival   they  were   in   an  unfortunate  dilemma,  and  were  in 
danger  of  sustaining  severe  loss.     Many  of  the  men  were 
waist  deep  in   the  mud,  and  so  completely  stalled  that  they 
could  offer  no  effectual  resistance  to  the  enemy,  who  threat 
ened  to  swoop  down  upon  them.     At  this  juncture  I  tried  to 
get  the    Fiftieth   Indiana  into  line  of  battle  (that  regiment 
being  ahead  of  the  Seventh),  but  without  success;  thereupon 
I  brought  the  Seventh  into  line,  and  we  forged  ahead  under 
a  heavy  fire,  passing  the  Indianians  at  a  run,  and  were  soon 


WHISTLER.  197 

up  to  the  bridge,  where  from  line  of  battle  we  changed  to 
close  column  by  companies,  and  rushed  over  the  bridge,  which 
was  still  burning,  although  Lieut.  Milton  L.  Gilbert,  of  G 
Company,  and  some  others  in  advance,  had  succeeded  at 
great  personal  risk  in  abating  somewhat  the  flames.  As  soon 
as  we  were  over  the  stream,  we  again  deployed  into  line  of 
battle  and  opened  fire  upon  the  rebels,  who,  after  discharging 
a  few  volleys,  beat  a  precipitate  retreat,  Capt.  Croft  again 
distinguished  himself  on  the  skirmish  line,  as  did  also  Lieut, 
Gilbert,  The  regiment  also  behaved  remarkably  well,  and 
the  steadiness  displayed  in  the  manoeuvres  of  changing  front 
and  deploying  under  fire  was  highly  satisfactory  to  me,  and 
reflected  much  credit  upon  the  officers  and  men,  as  showing 
the  high  proficiency  to  which  they  had  attained  in  discipline 
and  in  executing  battalion  evolutions. 

According  to  Pollard,  in  his  book  entitled  "The  Lost 
Cause,"  Colonel  Spence  of  the  Confederate  Army,  with  a 
cavalry  force,  was  left  to  cover  the  rebel  retreat  from  Mobile. 
I  understood  at  the  time  that  the  force  we  encountered  at 
Whistler  was  commanded  by  that  officer.  I  refer  to  this  be 
cause  Gen.  Taylor,  in  his  book  entitled  "  Destruction  and 
Re-construction,"  *  alludes  to  this  affair  as  being  the  "  last 
engagement  of  the  Civil  War."  In  this  I  think  he  is  mis 
taken,  for  an  account  is  given  by  Tomes,  in  his  book  entitled 
"War  with  the  South,"  of  a  combat  in  Texas  on  the  llth 
of  May,  at  Palmetto  Eanch,  on  the  Brownsville  road,  about 
fifteen  miles  above  Brazos,  between  some  of  our  cavalry 

*  Destruction  and  Re-construction,  by  Richard  Taylor,  Lieutenant-General  in 
the  Confederate  Army. 


198      M'INTOSH  BLUFF — CLOSING  SCENES  OF  THE  WAR. 

under  Col.  Barrett  and  a  body  of  rebels,  which  he  speaks  of 
as  being  the  last  battle  of  the  war.  Pollard,  in  his  "Lost 
Cause/'  also  says  "the  last  action  of  the  war  was  a  skirmish 
near  Brazos,  in  Texas."  Although  in  consequence  of  this 
affair  we  were  not  able  to  say  that  we  were  participants  in 
the  very  last  engagement  of  the  war,  yet  the  action  at 
Whistler  was  fought  near  enough  to  the  termination  of  hos 
tilities  to  enable  us  to  claim  that  we  were  in  "  at  the  death/' 
Subsequently  the  regiment  camped  over  night  at  Palmetto 
Kanch  on  its  march  to  Brownsville. 

We  remained  at  Whistler  till  the  19th,  when  the  entire 
Division  marched  to  a  place  called  Mclntosh  Bluff,  on  the 
Tombigbee  River,  about  forty  miles  from  Mobile,  where  we 
went  into  camp.  On  the  23d  we  received  intelligence  of  the 
assassination  of  President  Lincoln  which  caused  the  most  in 
tense  horror  and  indignation.  As  soon  as  the  news  reached 
us  in  the  morning  several  southern  families  in  the  neighbor 
hood  sought  our  protection,  fearing  that  the  soldiers  in  the 
exasperated  state  they  were  in  would  commit  acts  of  violence. 
It  was  but  natural  that  such  apprehensions  should  arise,  but, 
notwithstanding,  the  troops  were  very  much  moved  and  in 
censed,  no  indignities  were  contemplated  or  offered  to  anyone. 

It  now  became  evident  that  the  backbone  of  the  Rebellion 
was  broken.  Lee  surrendered  on  the  9th  of  April,  and 
although  we  were  informed  that  it  was  intended  to  continue 
hostilities  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  the  "  last 
ditch  "  was  to  be  dug  there,  the  course  of  events  was  such 
that  in  a  few  days  it  became  apparent  this  was  but  an  idle 
rumor,  and  that  the  war  was  over.  On  the  27th  of  April 


SURRENDER   OF    GEN.  TAYLOR.  199 

Johnston's  army  capitulated  to  Sherman.  The  next  to  follow 
was  the  army  in  our  immediate  front,  commanded  by  Gen. 
Taylor,  from  whose  book  "  Destruction  and  Re-construction/' 
above  referred  to,  I  take  the  following  extracts  of  the  circum 
stances  attending  his  surrender.  After  referring  to  the  fall 
of  Mobile,  and  the  retirement  of  Gen.  Maury  and  his  forces 
to  Meridian,  he  says  : 

"  From  the  North,  by  wire  and  courier,  I  received  early 
41  intelligence  of  passing  events.  *  *  *  Before  Maury 
"  left  Mobile  I  had  learned  of  Lee's  surrender,  * 
11  which  left  us  little  hope  of  success ;  but  while  Johnston 
"  remained  in  arms  we  must  be  prepared  to  fight  our  way  to 
"  him.  Again,  the  President  and  civil  authorities  of  our 
"  Government  were  on  their  way  to  the  South,  and  might 
"  need  our  protection.  Granting  the  cause  for  which  we  had 
"  fought  to  be  lost,  we  owed  it  to  our  manhood,  to  the  memory 
"  of  the  dead,  and  to  the  honor  of  our  arms,  to  remain  stead- 
"  fast  to  the  last.  *  *  *  Intelligence  of  the  Johnston- 
u  Sherman  convention  reached  us,  and  Canby  and  I  were 
"  requested  to  conform  to  its  terms  until  the  civil  authorities 
"  acted.  A  meeting  was  arranged  to  take  place  a  few  miles. 
"  north  of  Mobile,  where  the  appearance  of  the  two  parties 
"  contrasted  the  fortunes  of  our  respective  causes.  Canby 
"  who  preceded  me  to  the  appointed  spot — a  house  near  the 
"  railway — was  escorted  by  a  brigade  with  a  full  military 
"  band  and  accompanied  by  many  officers  in  'full  fig.' 
"  With  one  officer  *  *  *  I  made  my  appearance  on  a 
"  hand-car,  the  motive  power  of  which  was  two  negroes. 
"  Descendants  of  the  ancient  race  of  Abraham,  dealers  in  cast- 


200  SURRENDER   OF    GEN.  TAYLOE. 

"  off  raiment  would  have  scorned  to  bargain  for  our  rusty  suits 
"  of  Confederate  gray.  Gen.  Canby  met  me  with  much 
"  urbanity.  *  *  In  a  few  moments  we  agreed  upon  a 

"  truce  terminable  after  forty-eight  hours  notice  by  either 
"  party.  Then  rejoining  the  throng  of  officers,  introductions 
"  and  many  civilities  passed.  *  *  *  The  party  separated, 
"  Canby  for  Mobile,  I  for  Meridian,  where  within  two  days 
11  came  news  of  Johnston's  surrender,  the  capture  of  President 
"  Davis,  and  a  notice  from  Canby  that  the  truce  must  termin- 
"  ate  as  his  Government  disavowed  the  Johnston-Sherman 
"  convention.  I  thereupon  informed  Gen.  Canby  that  I  desired 
"  to  meet  him,  for  the  purpose  of  negotiating  a  surrender  of 
"  my  forces.  The  military  and  civil  authorities  of  the  Con- 
"  federacy  had  fallen,  and  I  was  called  to  administer  on  the 
"  ruins  as  residuary  legatee.  It  seemed  absurd  for  the  few 
11  there  present  to  continue  the  struggle.  We  could  only 
"  secure  honorable  interment  for  the  remains  of  our  cause. 
*  At  the  time  no  doubts  as  to  the  propriety  of  my 
"  course  entered  my  mind,  but  such  has  since  crept  in.  Many 
"  Southern  warriors,  from  the  hustings  and  in  print,  have 
"  declared  that  they  were  anxious  to  die  in  the  last  ditch, 
"  and,  by  implication,  were  restrained  from  so  doing  by  the 
"  readiness  of  their  generals  to  surrender.  One  is  not  per- 
"  mitted  to  question  the  sincerity  of  these  declarations,  which 
"  have  received  the  approval  of  public  opinion  by  the  eleva- 
"  tion  of  the  heroes  uttering  them  to  such  offices  as  the  people 
"  of  the  South  have  to  bestow,  and  popular  opinion  in  our 
"  land  is  a  court  from  whose  decisions  there  is  no  appeal  on 
"  this  side  of  the  grave." 


SURRENDER  OF  GEN.  TAYLOR — RETURN  TO  MOBILE.  201 

After  notice  had  been  sent  to  Gen.  Taylor  that  the  truce 
must  end,  as  the  Government  did  not  approve  of  the  Sher 
man-Johnston  armistice,  we  prepared  to  resume  field  opera 
tions.  On  the  morning  of  May  2d  I  was  ordered  out  with 
the  Seventh  and  Fiftieth  Indiana  on  a  scout.  We  had  not 
proceeded  far  when  we  encountered  a  Hag  of  truce  from  the 
enemy,  informing  us  that  negotiations  for  a  surrender  on  the 
part  of  Gen.  Taylor  had  been  resumed,  and  shortly  after 
wards  we  were  overtaken  by  a  courier  from  Gen.  Benton's 
headquarters  confirming  this  intelligence,  with  an  order  for 
our  return.  A  few  days  later  the  capitulation  took  place, 
and  is  thus  described  by  Gen.  Taylor  : 

"  On  the  8th  of  May,  1865,  at  Citronelle,  forty  miles  north 
"  of  Mobile,  I  delivered  the  epilogue  of  the  great  drama 
"  in  which  I  had  played  a  humble  part.  The  terms  of  sur- 
"  render  demanded  and  granted  were  consistent  with  the 
"  honor  of  our  armies,  and  it  is  due  to  the  memory  of  Gen. 
"  Canby  to  add  that  he  was  ready  with  suggestions  to  soothe 
"  our  military  pride." 

This  surrender  included  all  troops  east  of  the  Mississippi 
River. 

The  next  day  (the  9th)  our  entire  Division  returned  to 
Mobile,  our  regiment  going  down  the  Tombigbee  river  on  a 
transport.  On  our  arrival  at  Mobile  we  went  into  camp  a 
short  distance  outside  the  city  limits. 

It  was  now  rumored  we  were  to  form  part  of  an  expedition 
to  Texas  under  Gen.  Sheridan,  to  operate  against  Gen.  Kirby 
Smith's  army  and  the  other  Confederate  forces  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  for  a  few  days  we  indulged  in  the  hope  that  wo 


202  SURRENDER   OF   GEN.  KIRBY    SMITH. 

were  to  see  a  little  field  service  under  that  dashing  and  bril 
liant  officer.  But  that  was  not  to  be.  On  the  llth  of  May, 
Gen.  Jeff  Thompson,  commanding  the  rebel  troops  in  Arkan 
sas,  surrendered  on  substantially  the  same  terms  as  those 
granted  to  Lee,  Johnston  and  Taylor.  This  left  only  the 
forces  under  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  commanding  the  trans-Mis 
sissippi  Department.  It  would  have  been  utterly  impossible 
for  him  to  have  successfully  resisted  the  army  then  at 
Gen.  Sheridan's  disposal,  and  so  on  the  26th  of  May  he  too 
surrendered  to  Gen.  Canby. 

With  the  capitulation  of  Gen.  Kirby  Smith  as  Pollard  says  : 
"  the  war  ended,  and  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
•"  there  was  no  longer  an  armed  soldier  to  resist  the  author- 
"  ity  of  the  United  States." 

The  following  extract  from  Gen.  Taylor's  book,  "  Destruc 
tion  and  Re-construction,"  shows  the  demoralization  then 
existing  in  the  trans-Mississippi  Department,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  attending  this  last  surrender.  "  I  was  at  New 
"  Orleans,"  *  *  *  (after  his  surrender)  "when  Generals 
•"  Price,  Buckner  and  Brent  came  from  Shreveport  (Gen. 
"  Kirby  Smith's  Headquarters)  under  flag  of  truce  and  sent 
•"  for  me.  They  reported  a  deplorable  condition  of  affairs  in 
"  that  region.  Many  of  the  troops  had  taken  up  the  idea 
•"  that  it  was  designed  to  inveigle  them  into  Mexico,  and  were 
"  greatly  incensed.  Some  Generals  of  the  highest  rank  had 
"  found  it  convenient  to  fold  their  tents  and  quietly  leave  for 
il  the  Rio  Grande ;  others  who  remained  were  obliged  to  keep 
"  their  horses  in  their  quarters  and  guard  them  in  person, 
"  and  numbers  of  men  had  disbanded  and  gone  off.  By  a 


COLLAPSE   OF   THE    REBELLION.  203 

•"  meeting  of  officers,  the  gentlemen  present  were  deputed  to 
•"  make  a  surrender  and  ask  for  Federal  troops  to  restore 
11  order.  The  officers  in  question  requested  me  to  be  present 
'"  at  their  interview  with  Gen.  Canby,  who  also  invited  me, 
"  and  I  witnessed  the  conclusion.  So,  from  the  Charleston 
•"  Convention  to  this  point,  I  shared  the  fortunes  of  the  Con- 
•"  federacy,  and  can  say,  as  Grattan  did  of  Irish  freedom, 
•"  that  I  '  sat  by  its  cradle  and  followed  its  hearse.'  " 

On  the  surrender  of  the  last  Confederate  Army,  and  peace 
having  been  practically  declared,  I  resolved  to  resign,  I  had 
been  in  the  service  since  September,  1861,  and  had  received  but 
one  furlough,  to  wit :  when  I  returned  to  Vermont  with  the 
'-Seventh  on  veteran  furlough.  I  accordingly  tendered  my 
resignation,  which  was  accepted  by  Gen.  Canby,  June  2d,  1865. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


DEPARTURE  FOR  TEXAS — EXPERIENCE   ON  THE  RIO  GRANDE- 
MUSTER    OUT — DISBANDMENT    OF   THE    REGIMENT. 

1BE5-1BEE, 


T  this  time  Maximilian  was  in  Mexico,  and  for  some  rea 
sons,  best  known  to  the  government,  it  was  decided  to- 
maintain  a  large  Army  of  Observation  on  the  Eio  Grande,  and 
for  nearly  a  year  after  the  close  of  the  war  a  force  of  from  ten 
to  twenty  thousand  men  under  the  immediate  command  of 
Gen.  Weitzel  was  kept  in  Texas  to  observe  and  wait  the 
development  of  the  operations  of  Maximilian  and  his  French 
allies. 

The  Seventh  was  one  of  the  regiments  designated  for  this 
service,  and  on  the  30th  of  May,  under  Lieut.  Col.  Peck 
(who  subsequently  was  commissioned  Colonel,  Major  Porter 
at  the  same  time  being  commissioned  Lieutenant-Colonel  and 
Capt.  Edgar  M.  Bullard  Major),  marched  to  Mobile  and  em 
barked  on  the  steamer  "  Starlight,"  and  proceeded  down  to 
the  lower  bay,  where  they  were  transferred  to  the  ocean 
steamship  "Gen.  Sedgwick."  On  June  2d  they  sailed  for 
Brazos,  and  arrived  there  June  5th.  The  next  day  they  dis- 


LIFE   ON   THE    RIO    GRANDE.  205 

embarked  and  went  into  camp,  where  they  remained  until 
June  14th,  when  they  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  near  Clarksville,  and  went  into  camp  at  White  Horse 
Ranch,  three  miles  up  the  river.  About  June  25th  they 
again  moved  their  camp  to  a  location  nearer  the  mouth  of 
the  river.  Nothing  of  importance  occurred  there.  The  4th 
of  July  was  duly  observed;  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  read,  and  an  oration  was  delivered  by  Gen.  Cole  to  the 
assembled  command  from  the  deck  of  a  wrecked  schooner  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande.  On  the  14th  of  July  the  one 
year  recruits  were  mustered  out.  August  2d  the  regiment 
left  Clarksville  and  marched  for  Brownsville,  some  thirty 
miles  up  the  river.  The  first  night  they  encamped  at  " Pal 
metto  Ranch,"  where,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  last  action 
of  the  war  was  fought.  The  next  day  they  reached  Browns 
ville,  where  they  went  into  camp  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  where  they  remained  until  they  were  mustered 
out  in  March,  1866. 

On  the  26th  of  August  Colonel  Peck  resigned,  and  Lieut. 
Col.  Porter  was  commissioned  as  Colonel,  Major  Bullard 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  Capt.  Darwin  A.  Smalley  Major. 
Subsequently  Major  Smalley  resigned  and  Capt.  George  E. 
Croft  was  commissioned  Major. 

Life  at  Brownsville  was  monotonous  and  uneventful.  The 
only  service  then  required  was  to  watch  Maximilian's  forces 
and  the  Mexicans.  The  former  held  Matamoras,  which  was 
fortified,  or  partially  so,  and  frequently  the  Mexicans  laid 
temporary  siege  to  the  place.  The  besiegers,  however,  never 
got  near  enough  to  suffer  seriously  from  the  Imperialist's  guns, 


206          MUSTER  OUT  AND  DISBANDMENT  OF  REGIMENT. 

and  their  operations  were  highly  farcical  and  ridiculous.  It 
is  said  that  some  of  our  men  amused  themselves,  and  gained 
more  or  less  pecuniary  advantage  by  letting  themselves  out  to- 
fight  on  behalf  of  the  Mexicans  for  five  dollars  a  night.  I  cannot 
vouch  for  the  truth  of  these  reports,  but  I  should  judge  from 
the  accounts  I  have  received  that  the  duties  of  our  men  were 
not  so  arduous  as  to  prevent,  nor  was  the  service  so  danger 
ous  as  to  deter,  them  from  participating  in  a  "  strife  "  so- 
lucrative  and  rapturous.  About  all  the  regiment  had  to  do 
was  to  perform  guard  and  police  duty.  The  principal  topic 
of  conversation  seems  to  have  been  in  reference  to  the  ques 
tion  as  to  whether  the  Army  of  Observation  was  to  move- 
across  the  river  and  drive  out  the  Imperialists,  and  as  to 
when  the  regiment  would  be  mustered  out.  Washington's 
Birthday  (February  22d;  1866)  was  celebrated  by  a  grand 
ball  at  Brownsville.  A  few  days  later,  to  wit :  March  14th, 
the  regiment  was  mustered  out  of  the  service  at  the  same 
place,  but  proceeded  as  a  body  to  New  Orleans,  and  thence- 
direct  to  Brattleboro  where  it  was  disbanded.  The  object 
I  believe  mustering  out  the  regiment  at  Brownsville  was 
to  enable  those  who  wished  to  remain  at  the  South  to  quit 
the  service  there. 

On  arriving  at  Brattleboro,  a  grand  reception  was  given  to- 
the  officers  and  men;  and,  as  I  am  informed  a  special  effort 
was  made  to  show  that  the  citizens  of  Vermont  appreciated 
the  services  of  the  Seventh. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  1866,  the  regiment  was  formally  dis 
banded,  and  all  its  arms  and  equipments,  except  such  as  were 
purchased  by  the  men,  were  turned  over  to  the  United  States. 


MUSTER  OUT  AND  DISBANDMENT  OF  REGIMENT.          207 

authorities.  The  Seventh  was  the  last  volunteer  regiment 
from  Vermont  to  be  disbanded.  Many  of  its  officers  and 
men  were  the  first  to  enter  the  service ;  and  during  the  entire 
war  I  venture  to  say  that  no  troops  from  Vermont  or  else 
where  acquitted  themselves  any  more  creditably  than  they 
did.  For  their  patience,  fidelity  and  courage,  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  Seventh  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  and  esteem 
of  the  people  of  Vermont.  No  more  gallant  regiment  was 
ever  sent  out  by  the  State  than  the  Seventh  Kegirnent  of 
Vermon^  Volunteers. 

FIJIIjS. 


LIST  OF  DEATHS 

IX  THE  SEVERAL  COMPANIES  FROM  FEBRUARY  I2th,  1862, 
TO  APRIL  6th,   1866. 


COMPILED  HY  LIEUT.   OLIVER  P.  MURDICK. 


u  The  muffled  drum's  sad  roll  has  beat 

The  soldier's  last  tatoo  ; 
No  more  on  life's  parade  shall  meet 

The  brave  and  daring  few  ; 
On  fame's  eternal  camping  ground 

Their  silent  tents  are  spread, 
And  glory  guards,  with  solemn  round, 

The  bivouac  of  the  dead." 


COMPANY    A. 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Allen,  Geo.  H.  . 

Sept.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Archambuatt,  Oliver  F., 

Aug.  igth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Bacar,  Eugen 

Dec.  2gth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Brackham,  Geo.  M. 

Sept.  isth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Brour,  James 

Dec.  22d,  1864 

Off  the  coast  of  Fla. 

Brown,  Wm. 

Aug.  I3th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Burns,  Daniel  G. 

Aug.  22d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Camell,  Magney    . 

July  4th,  1862. 

Vicksburgh,   Miss. 

Casey.  Martin    . 

Oct.  nth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Fort,  James  L. 

July  22d,  1865 

Philadelphia,  Penn. 

Frenier,  Agustus 

Oct.  I3th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Green,  Wm.   . 

July  2ist,  1862 

Vicksburgh,  Miss. 

Hamelton,  Thomas    . 

June  i8th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Hicks,  Myron  D.   . 

Dec.  26th,  1864 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Hosford.  Geo.  B. 

Sept.  22d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Lander,  Peter 

July  I4th,  1862 

Vicksburgh,  Miss. 

Lapier,  Joseph  . 

Nov.  2gth,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

McDoraigh,  John  . 

Sept.  28th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

LIST   OF    DEATHS. 


209 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Mullin,  James    , 

Aug.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Nichols,  Leroy 

Dec.  nth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Proctor,  Charles 

Oct.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Perrigo,  Bronson  . 

Oct.  3d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Page,  Geo.  W.   . 

Sept.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Page,  John  K. 

July  2ist,  1862 

Vicksburgh,  Miss. 

Pearl,  Phinias     . 

Aug.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Perry,  Harris 

Nov.  22d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Prior,  Homer     . 

Aug.  gth,  1866 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Riley,  James  . 

Oct.  7th,  1862. 

Carrolton,  La. 

Smith,  Geo. 

June  i6th,  1865 

Clarkville,  Texas. 

Wells,  Henry 

Aug.  gth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

White,  James     .         , 

Sept.  isth,  1862 

Camp  Williams,  La. 

COMPANY    B. 


Allen,  Wilber  F. 

Sept.  nth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Beckhorn,  Wm. 

June  7th,  1862 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

Barker,  Isaac 

Aug.  3d,  1862. 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Bump,  Volorous  S. 

Aug.  24th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Burns,  John        .         . 

Nov.  28th,  1864 

Andersonville  Pris'n. 

Bolyo,  Ambro 

Oct.  3d,  1864 

Andersonville  Pris'n. 

Connell,  Wm.     . 

Aug.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Combs,  Harrison  . 

Not  known 

While  Pris.  of  War. 

Dinn,  Edward    . 

Sept.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Daniels,  Charles  H. 

Nov.  30th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Falloon,  Jeremiah 

Sept.  I3th,  1865 

Brownsville,  Texas. 

Foot,  Levi  B. 

Aug.  3d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Gee,  Abishia  G. 

Dec.  28th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Goodrich,  Martin  V.  B. 

Oct.  i3th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Hopkins,  Elizur 

Nov.  28th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lincon,  Geo.  M.     ' 

Dec.  3d,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lamphier,  James  S.  . 

Oct.  4th,  1864 

At  Sea. 

Morrison,  James  K.  P. 

July  3ist,  i862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Morris,  Thomas 

Aug.  2oth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Mortrom,  Geo  W.  . 

Sept.  i6th,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

McArthar,  L.  S. 

Sept.  2ist,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Maloney,  Michael  . 

Feb.  i4th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

McDonold,  James 

Aug.  roth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

210 


LIST   OF   DEATHS. 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Noice,  Wallace  E. 

July  I4th,  1862 

Vicksburgh,  Miss. 

Peters,  Chas.  L.     . 

Aug.  3d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Pel  key,  Wm.      . 

Aug    24th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Parkhurst,  Arthur  H.     . 

Sept.  isth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Packard,  Charles  H. 

Dec.  ist,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Pettet,  Alexander 

April  gth,  1864 

Barrancas  Fla. 

Pettit,  Edgar 

Dec.   15th,  1864 

At  Sea. 

Rovlin,  Orlando  F.    . 

June  6th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Rugg,  Nelson  B.    . 

Aug.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La 

Riley,  Willson   . 

Sept.  15th,  1862 

Camp  Williams,  La. 

Stearns,  Amasa 

Aug.  23d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Stearns,  Eli  M.  . 

Aug.  24th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Stocker,  John  F.    . 

Aug.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Stocker,  Henry  W.     . 

Not  known 

While  Pris.  of  War. 

Tovvnson,  Damon  W.     . 

Aug.  23d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Trumbull.  Stephen  P. 

Not  known 

While  pris.  of  War. 

Whitcomb,  Cyrus  K.     . 

July  I3th,  1862 

Vicksburgh,  Miss. 

Whitcomb,  Geo.  E.    .         . 

Aug.  28th,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

Wilkins,  Charles   . 

Sept.  2ist,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Wilkins,  Lucius  O.    . 

Nov.  5th,  1863 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

COMPANY   C. 


Alexander,  Henry  M. 

Feb.  5th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Allard,  Charles  W. 

April  8th,  1865 

Lake  Port,  La 

Arceo,  Joseph    . 

Jan.  25th,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Billings,  Bertrand  W.    . 

Aug.  6th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Bradford,  Samuel 

Dec.   i3th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Butler,  Abren 

July  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Chase,  Charles  W.     . 

Jan.  28th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

English,  Samuel  J. 

Oct.  17th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Fassett,  Francis  G.    . 

July  ist,  1865 

At  Sea. 

Farmer,  Henry  S. 

Nov.  I4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Grover,  Riley  L. 

Jan.  2Oth,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lander,  Jeremiah  . 

Oct.  igth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Lagnee,  Charles 

Nov.  2oth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Leue,  Jacob   . 

Dec.  7th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Laberty,  Lewis  . 

Oct.  i2th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Morgan,  Almon  S. 

May  lyth,  1865 

Mobile,  Ala. 

LIST   OF   DEATHS. 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Page,  Nelson 
Piper,  Geo.  H. 
Sellick,  Jonathan 
Ward,  Charles  A.  B.      . 
Wescott,  Charles 
Willson,  James 

Nov.  i8th,  1862 
Dec.  6th,  1862 
Feb.  gth,  1863 
July  igth,  1862 
May  15th,  1863 
Oct.  4th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 
Pensacola,  Fla. 
Pensacola,  Fla. 
Carrolton,  La. 
Santa  Rosa  Isl.,  Fla. 
Carrolton,  La. 

COMPANY   D. 


Buxton,  Burnus  AI.   . 

Mar.  26th,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Bishop,  Smith  B.  . 

Dec.  3d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Brown,  John  A. 

Aug.  I2th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Bull,  Elisher 

April  26th,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Coppins,  Culmer 

June  2ist,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Cheney,  Geo.  A.     . 

Dec.  i4th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Champagne,  Charles 

Oct.  ist,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Evans,  Alonzo 

July  22d,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Griswold,  Stephen  A. 

Nov.  3oth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Haselton,  Hiram  M. 

Sept.  gth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Haselton,  Myron 

Jan.  4th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Long,  Arunah  A.   . 

Oct.  ;th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Mosier,  Thomas  C.    . 

Nov.  3d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Post,  Alpha  C. 

Aug.  27th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Peters,  Henry  M. 

July  30th,  1865 

Clarksville,  Tex. 

Pingury,  Robins  R.        ; 

July  27th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La, 

Phillips,  Josiah           .         , 

Aug.  22d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Rowell,  Cordon  R. 

July  2d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Smith,  Geo.  W. 

Jan.  22d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Shepard,  Dexter  E. 

Aug.  2d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

St.  Peters,  Joseph,  Jr. 

Nov.  22d,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Thompson,  Wm.  B. 

Oct.  7th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Vanguilder,  Thomas 

Feb.  4th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Wells,  Marten 

Sept.  igth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Wood,  Zeb 

Dec.   igth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Williard,  Oliver     . 

Jan.  loth,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Whittier,  Benjamen  E. 

Sept.  igth,  1864 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

212 


LIST   OF   DEATHS. 
COMPANY    E. 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Babcock,  Marshal 

July  2ist,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Baulch,  Charles  M. 

Nov.  2Oth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Barnes,  James  M. 

Dec.  yth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Brown,  Josiah 

April  22d,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Cull,  Richard  L. 

July  28th.  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Chase,  Cassius  M. 

Nov.  2Qth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Clafflin,  Horace 

Oct.  gth,  1862 

Camp  Kearny,  La. 

Calgrove,  James    . 

Aug.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Davne,  Oramel  . 

July  i8th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Darwin,  Orin 

Sept.  igth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Dumbray,  Frank 

Dec.  28th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Eagle,  Thomas 

Feb.  20th,  1865 

Lost  overboard. 

Emons,  John  W. 

July  nth,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Fields,  Joel  D. 

Oct.  2gth,  1862 

Algiers,  La. 

Fletcher,  Elias  . 

July  8th,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Fuller,  Alanson     . 

Aug.  3d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Fletcher,  Henry  C.    . 

Jan.  23d,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Gile.  Albert    . 

Oct.  nth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Hanley,  Geo.  W. 

July  2ist,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Heath,  Henry  L.    . 

Dec.  i8th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Harding,  John  . 

May  5th,  1865 

Mclntosh  Bluff,  Ala. 

Hall,  Byron  S. 

May  3oth,  1865 

Mobile,  Ala. 

Irish,  Harvey     . 

Dec.  6th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lamphier,  Rufus  G. 

Nov.  20th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lomondy,  Lewis 

Sept.  isth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Leach,  Stephen  H. 

Dec.  5th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Lilley,  Carlos     . 

Nov.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Mathews,  James  M. 

Nov.  yth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Musey,  Frank    . 

Jan.  4th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Mclntire,  David  B. 

Oct.  15th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Mead,  Geo.  D. 

Aug.  I3th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Parront,  Peter 

Sept.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La, 

Philbrook,  David  C. 

Aug.  23d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Pixley,  Wm. 

Nov.   i6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Palmen,  Edward  C.   . 

Nov.  25th,  1865 

Montpelier,  Vt. 

Robinson,  Ancil  H. 

July  28th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Smith,  Perley     . 

Aug.  gth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Streeter,  Lucias 

Sept  26th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Smead,  Geo.  M. 

July  3d,  1865 

Brazos  Santiago,  Tex. 

LIST   OF   DEATHS. 


213 


NAME. 

DATE    OF    DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Stewart,  Charles  W. 

July  isth,  1865 

Clarksville,  Tex. 

Tillotson,  Curtis 

Sept.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Townson,  Obert     . 

Nov.  2oth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Townson,  M.               . 

Nov.  2Oth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Wilkins,  Durane    . 

Sept.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Willson,  Ebenezer 

Sept.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Willey  Ransalin      : 

Sept.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Wescott,  Noel  B. 

Jan.  i6th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Whitehill,  Calvin  K.      . 

Sept.  i6th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Whitehill,  Pedon  C.  . 

Sept.  29th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

COMPANY    F. 


Brooks,  Lorenzo  D.  . 

July  23d,  1862 

St.  Albans,  Vt. 

Bordo,  Joseph 

Nov,  isth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Campbell,  John 

Nov.  5th,  1864 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Church,  Wm. 

Aug.  8th,  1865 

Clarksville,  Tex. 

Connor,  Martin  V.  B. 

Aug.  3ist,   1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Clark,  Stephen  B. 

June  26th,  1862 

Ship  Island,  Miss. 

Croft,  John  W. 

Aug.  5th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Casby,  Andrew  A. 

Nov.  2d,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

Dupen,  Dana 

July  2d,  1862 

Camp  Parapet,  La. 

Davies,  Leander     . 

Nov.  ist,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Edwards,  Benjamen  . 

July  I7th,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Fitch,  James  L. 

Oct.  I4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Grimes,  Rufus    . 

Nov.  isth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Hatch,  John  E. 

Oct.  8th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Hill,  Frank 

May  I4th,  1865 

Willets  Point,  N.   Y. 

Hagle,  Henry  F.    . 

Sept.  2oth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Jones,  David  N. 

Mar.  2gth,  1865 

Fort  Gaines,  Ala. 

Jojal,  Joseph  E. 

Sept.  23d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Kibbie,  Henry  H.      . 

Dec.  27th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Mason,  James  D.  . 

Oct.  25th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

McRennev,  John 

Sept.  22d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Mitchell,  Eli  B.      . 

June  T2th,  1862 

Camp  Parapet,  La. 

Peters,  Norman  L.     . 

Dec.   nth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Peters,  Wm    B.      . 

Sept.  20th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Ridgdill,  John  S. 

Dec.  22d,  1864 

At  Sea. 

Stearns,  Erastus    . 

Aug.  2oth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

214 


LIST   OF   DEATHS. 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Stearns,  John  M. 
Truax,  Thomas 
Wright,  Eber      . 
Washer,  Benjamin 
Wooster,  B.  M. 

July  iyth,  1862 
July  3d,  1862 
Aug.  soth,  1862 
Oct.  4th,  1862 
Oct.  i6th,  1864 

Camp  Parapet,  La. 
Camp  Parapet,  La. 
Carrolton,  La. 
New  Orleans,  La. 
Santa  Rosa  Isl.,  Fla. 

COMPANY   G. 


Adams,  Elmer  L. 

May  24th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Allen,  David 

Aug.  nth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Alger,  Seth  L.    . 

Oct.  2gth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Burnham,  Thomas  F.    . 

July  I3th,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Baldwin,  Geo.  W.       . 

Aug.  ist,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Barnard,  Sylvanus  S. 

Nov.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Barker,  Sewell  . 

Jan.  I2th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Cummings,  Thomas  B. 

Sept.  27th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Carson,  Henry  C. 

Oct.  i6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Coolbeth,  Winthrop  D. 

Jan.  gth,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Cook,  Amos  D. 

Oct.  i8th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Connell,  James 

Jan.  26th,  1863 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Dodge,  Wesley  M.     . 

Aug.  24th,  1864 

New  York  Harbor. 

Dodge,  Daniel  D. 

Aug.  3d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Duncan,  Fred    . 

Jan.  28th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Earl,  Alfred  S. 

Aug.  2d,  1802 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Ellis,  Jason 

Dec.  26th,  1864 

At  Sea. 

Fuller,  Geo.  . 

June  30th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Gibson,  Albert  B. 

Sept,  nth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Gibson,  Henry  H. 

Jan.  I2th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Holden,  Hial  W. 

Dec.  26th,  1864 

At  Sea. 

Hoodley,  Henry  C. 

Sept.  28th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Larkin,  James  H. 

Oct.  I5th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Miller,  Fletcher  W. 

July  2ist,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss, 

Martin,  Horace  H.     . 

Oct.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Marshal,  Charles  H.       . 

Oct.  I2th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Marcy,  Oliver  H. 

Nov.  8th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Olney,  Moses 

Aug.  28th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Pease,  Wm.  H. 

Sept.  I3th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Pratt,  Mortimer 

Oct.  7th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Paine,  Sewell  B. 

Dec.  26th,  1864 

At  Sea. 

LIST   OF    DEATHS. 


215 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Page,  Chancelor     . 

Jan.  2ist,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Picket,  Lewis     . 

July  loth,  1865 

Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Randall,  Joseph  S 

July  25th,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Richardson,  Ebenexer 

Aug.   28th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Rimley,  Oetis 

Oct.  2ist,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Rowe,  Robert    . 

Jan.  26th,  1863 

Carrolton,  La. 

Rhodes,  Ebene/er 

Nov.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Stevens,  Henry 

Sept.  23d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Thornton,  Frank  W. 

Oct.  3d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Tarbell,  Charles 

Oct.  i8th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Walker,  Horace     . 

Aug.  4th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La 

Wade,  Stephen  . 

Aug.  nth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Walker,  H.  M.       . 

Not  Known 

Island  Pond,  Vt. 

Wallace,  Geo.  J. 

April  i6th,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

COMPANY    H. 

Allen,  Anderson    . 

Aug.  5th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Avery,  Samuel  S. 

Oct.  igth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Allard,  Asa    . 

Jan.  nth,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Brown,  Asa  O.  . 

July  28th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Baulch,  Lenard 

July  2yth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Boynton.  Edward 

Nov.  20th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Bogue,  Oscar 

Dec.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Berry,  Edwin     . 

Dec.  6th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Barnes,  Seldon 

Dec.  igth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Bailey,  Daniel  W.       . 

Jan.  29th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Brinn,  Wm.  H. 

Oct.  30th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Cowen,  Charles  E. 

Sept.  25th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Currier,  Lewis 

Nov.  roth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Chamberlin,  Franklin 

Dec.  22d,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Chamberlin,  Isaac 

Jan.  i8th,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Davis,  James  H. 

Oct.  26th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Darbey,  Royal 

Jan.  6th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Dockum,  Geo.  F. 

Aug.  5th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

French,  Henry  H. 

Jan.  2oth,  1863 

Woodstock,  Vt. 

Flanders,  Caleb 

Aug.  2d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Fairbanks,  Carlos  F.     . 

Dec.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Gould,  L.  W.     . 

Nov.  29th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

216 


LIST   OF    DEATHS. 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

IMTERMENT. 

Gray,  Silas  E. 

Aug.  7th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Green,  Rollin  M. 

Nov.  iyth,  1863 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Hubbard,  Horace  . 

Nov.  23d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Hutchinson,  James  P 

Not  known 

Rutland,  Vt. 

Jackman,  Edward  K. 

July  26th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Kelley,  Edward 

Nov.  i6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Leuce,  Wm.   . 

July  7th,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Morse,  Chester  B. 

Aug.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Mitchel,  James 

Sept.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

McDaniels,  Carlos     . 

Nov.  22d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Newton,  Edgar  S. 

Nov.  2ist,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Pike,  Milton  E. 

Aug.  2d,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Page,  Charles  W.  . 

Oct.  loth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Pond,  Geo.  R.    . 

May  nth,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Parmerter,  Stephen  M. 

July  nth,  1865 

Bristow,Buck  Co.,  Pa 

Raymone,  Geo. 

Oct.  i4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Raymone,  Chaucey  E.    . 

Nov.  20th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Ricker,  Allen  G. 

July  28th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Scofield,  Fred. 

June  22d,  1862 

Drowned  in  Miss.  R. 

Spaulding,  Albert  L. 

Aug.  22d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Smith,  Chas.  A.      . 

Aug.  27th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Snow,  Geo.  P.    . 

Aug.  4th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Stone,  Wm.  E. 

Sept.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Spaulding,  Charles  N. 

Oct.  6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Smith,  Fitch  C. 

Dec.  Qth,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Stowell,  Asa  W. 

Nov.  isth,  1864 

New  Haven.  Ct. 

Trowbridge,  Albert  V.  . 

Aug.  6th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Tyrrell,  Oscar  A. 

Nov.  loth,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Tilton,  Austin 

Jan.  loth,  1865 

At  Sea. 

Willey,  Danforth 

"July,  28th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Wing,  Geo.  L. 

May  26th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Woodward,  Geo   B.  . 

Aug.  I7th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

White,   Silas  M.     . 

Sept.  i3th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Willey,  Hollis  S. 

Oct.  2oth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Walbridge,  Dan  C. 

Nov.  27th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Young,  Mahlon  M.    . 

Sept.  27th,  1864 

Marianna,  Fla. 

LIST  OF  DEATHS. 


217 


COMPANY  I. 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Biglow,  Amara  P.       .         , 

Oct.  7th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Buttler,  Edward     . 

Oct.  i6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Batchelor,  John  L, 

Oct.  iyth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Blosom,  Frederic  , 

Oct.  nth,  1864 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Crandall,  Everand 

July  3ist,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Durkee.  Nelson     . 

Oct.  igth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Davis,   Thomas 

Oct.  gth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Draper,  David 

Oct.  8th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Draper,  Alanson  L.   . 

Sept.  roth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Furman,  Aaron  G, 

Oct.  2d.  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Gibbs,  Perry  G. 

Sept.  sth,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Goslon,  Enos 

April  26th,  1862 

Ship  Island,  Miss. 

Hurley,  Elisha  A.       . 

Aug.  5th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Huntoon,  Daniel  S.        .   ' 

Aug.  4th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Holdin,  Hollis  K.      . 

Oct.  3d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Hanks,  Geo.  G. 

Oct.   2ISt,    1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Higgins,  David  E. 

Nov.  26,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Halley,  Nicholas    . 

Dec.  13th,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Heap,  Andrew  . 

Dec.  3ist,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Janbor,  Henry 

July  27th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Johnson,  James  M.    . 

July  2gth,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Jones,  Lewis  P. 

Aug.  5th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Larrabee,  Charles 

Aug.  26th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Langley,  Geo.  }.     . 

Oct.  I3th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Larrabee,  Samuel 

Nov.  I3th,  1862 

New  Orleans.  La. 

Mclntyre,  Thomas 

Dec.  15th,   1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Meade,  Geo. 

July  3ist,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Morton,  Wm. 

Aug.  7th,  1862 

Baton  Rouge,  La. 

Monroe,  Wm.  H. 

Sept.  I7th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Puffer,  Geo.  L. 

Aug.   igth,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Peters,  Alfred    . 

Jan.  26th,  1863 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Powers,  Henry  C. 

April  26th,  1865 

Not  known. 

Price,  Frank 

April  ist,  1862 

At  Sea. 

Reed,  Albert  J.       . 

Sept.  I7th,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

Ripley,  Robert  . 

Sept.  2oth,  1863 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Ruggles,  Charles  C. 

July  24th,  1862 

Poultney,  Vt. 

Schyer,  Warren 

June  6th,  1865 

Annapolis,  Md. 

Stutts,  Geo.    . 

Jan.  23d,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Schryer,  Geo. 

Oct,  23d,  1864 

New  Orleans,  La. 

218 


.LIST    OF    DEATHS. 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Sprague,  James 
Sheldon,  Chaucev  L. 
Stodard,  James  F. 
Willson,  Samuel 
Welles,  Charles      . 
Ward,  Wm. 

Nov.  4th,  1862 
Aug.  5th,  1862 
Sept.  4th,  1862 
June  6th,  1862 
Sept.  2ist,   1862 
Oct.  3d,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 
Baton  Rouge,  La. 
Carrolton,  La. 
Brazos  Santiago,  Tx. 
New  Orleans,  La. 
Carrolton,  La. 

Wheeler,  Seneca    . 
Woodward,  Harvey   . 
Young,  Thomas     . 

Aug.  8th,  1862 
Oct.  nth,  1862 
-  Dec.  25th,   1862. 

Not  known. 
New  Orleans,  La. 
Pensacola,  Fla. 

COMPANY    K. 


Balch,  Wm.  D. 

Oct.   I2th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Blood,  Chas.  W.    . 

Oct.  6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Call,  James  B.   . 

July  24th,  1862 

Carrolton,   La. 

Claflin,  Geo.  W.     . 

Sept.  28th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Clukey,  Frank   . 

July  22d,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Cruss,  Henry  M.    . 

Nov.  3Oth,   1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Cutler,  Chas.  F. 

Sept.  3d,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Constintine,  S. 

Oct.  I4th,  1864 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

Duey,  John 

Oct.  I4th,  1864 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

Durham,  Chas.  E. 

Dec.  22d,  1864 

At  sea. 

Flanders,  John  W.     . 

Sept.  23d,  1862 

New  Orleans.  La. 

Freeman,  Daniel  C. 

Feb.  3d,  1865 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Fish.  Elbridge   . 

Aug.  6th,  1865 

Brownsville,  Tex. 

Fit/gerals,  John     . 

Sept.  ist,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Fish,  Alonzo  S. 

Aug.  17th,  1862 

New  Orleans.  La. 

Fowler,  Lucius  S. 

Oct.  6th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Greenleaf,  Calvin  W. 

Sept.  28th,  1864 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

Hatch,  Pacol 

Sept.  22d,  1864 

Fort  Pickens,  Fla. 

Hallack,  Stephen  W. 

May  30th,  1865 

Fort  Gaines,  Ala. 

Heath,.  Nathan  C. 

Aug.  iSth,  1862 

New  Orleans.  La. 

Huston,  Oscar  A. 

Oct.  I3th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Kimbol,  Lelon  F.  . 

Sept.  8th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Morfett,  Henry  . 

Nov.  i4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Morfett,  Russell     . 

May  5th,  1863 

Camp  Stoughton,  Fla. 

Murphy,  Wm.    . 

Dec.  Sth,  1862. 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

Pollard,  Riley  H.  . 

Sept.  28th,  1865 

Brownsville,  Tex. 

LIST   OF    DEATHS. 


219 


NAME. 

DATE  OF  DEATH. 

INTERMENT. 

Parmerter,  Rufus  N. 

April  i6th,  1864 

Barrancas,  Fla. 

Ouimby,  Wm. 

Oct.  i6th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Rich,  John  E.     . 

July  iSth,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Shepard,  Dension  B. 

"Nov.  lyth,  1865 

Fort  Gaines,  Ala. 

Stowers,  Charles 

April  loth,  1865 

Mobile,  Ala. 

Steaphens,  Stilman  S.    . 

July  iyth,  1862 

Vicksburg,  Miss. 

Sulivin,  John 

Sept.  4th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Sturtivens,  Wm.  .  . 

May  loth,  1863 

Camp  Stoughton,Fla. 

Willey,  Geo.  W. 

Nov.  2oth,  1862 

At  Sea. 

Wade,  Joshua 

Aug.  i2th,  1862 

New  Orleans,  La. 

Williams,  Frank 

Sept.  I3th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Welch,  John  . 

Oct.  7th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Wing,  Geo.  G.    . 

Oct.  I4th,  1862 

Carrolton,  La. 

Woodbery,  Chas.  E. 

Dec.  2d,  1862 

Pensacola,  Fla. 

RECAPITULATION. 


Company  A,    ....    31 

B,    43 


C, 

D, 
E, 
F, 

H, 
1, 

K, 


22 

27 
49 
31 
45 

58 
48 
40 


394 


NOTE.  —  The  above  list  is  not  quite  accurate.  The  total  number  of 
deaths  during  the  period  amounted  to  407  (see  p,  120  supra).  I  think, 
however,  it  can  be  made  to  correspond  with  the  tabular  statement  by 
adding  the  field  and  some  line  officers,  who  died  or  were  killed,  and 
who  are  not  mentioned  in  the  above  list,  and  also  adding  one  death 
from  A  Company  in  1866, 

W.    C.    H. 


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